On the grounds of a crime under Part 6 of Art. 290 of the Criminal Code of the Russian Federation (receiving a bribe on an especially large scale, provides for a fine of up to 100 times the amount of the bribe or imprisonment for a period of 8 to 15 years). According to the TFR, from November 2014 to April 2016, Notyag received at least 300,000 rubles from the general director of one of the commercial structures. quarterly for non-obstruction of the construction work that she carries out. During this time, he repeatedly received bribes totaling at least 900,000 rubles, according to the TFR. April 21, 2016 in the club "Star" on the street. Leni Golikova, 27 [in the same building there is the Fatherland Foundation of the head of the Dachnoye municipality, an authority of the 1990s and hero dossier local RUBOP Vadim Sagalaev. The company "Voin-V" is building on the territory of "Dachny"] , the deputy received another bribe of 600,000 rubles from the general director, after which he was detained by officers of the Federal Security Service of Russia in St. Petersburg and the Leningrad Region, the report says. The issue of the arrest of the suspect and the filing of charges against him is being decided.
The representative of the TFR does not name the company. Assistant Notyaga declined to comment.
Notyag regularly received money from Voin-V, its CEO Oleg Glushchenko said on Friday. According to Glushchenko, he regularly paid Notyag not to support city defenders who are actively protesting the Voin-V project in Ulyanka. “The deputy helped opponents of the construction, participated in rallies, wrote deputy requests, provided legal support, which helped them win court cases and interfered with the company’s plans, so we offered him money so that he would not do this,” Glushchenko said. According to him, Notyag agreed to this proposal and received money from Voin-V for about a year, and about 1.5 million rubles were transferred to Notyag in total. Money was transferred both in the building of the legislative assembly and in Smolny, says Glushchenko. However, the developer, according to him, could not completely solve the problem, because after Notyag stopped writing requests, his colleague, deputy Maxim Reznik. Then the money was offered to Reznik, says Glushchenko.
Reznik denies having anything to do with the case. Yesterday he said that he connects the incident with politics. “We've stepped on too many calluses,” Reznik said. According to him, he has repeatedly written inquiries in support of city defenders in Ulyanka, and his last appeal to the CAA dates back to March 16. The representative of the ICR stressed that the case was initiated only against Notyag.
"Voin-V" is building the block 2 A Ulyanka under the renovation program for Khrushchev. Residents of neighboring houses, together with city defenders, oppose compacted development and for the preservation of the Alexandrino Park (a federal monument). In 2015, city defenders in the Supreme Court succeeded in canceling the planning project for a residential area between Aleksandrino, Stachek Avenue and st. Leni Golikova. In 2012–2014 Notyag actively cooperated with the defenders of the Alexandrino Park, wrote inquiries to the KGIOP and law enforcement agencies, follows from the information on specialized websites.
Notyag elected deputy of the Legislative Assembly of the fifth convocation from the party "Yabloko" in 2011, but due to a conflict in the party, he, along with Olga Galkina and Reznik went to the Civic Platform. Later, the three of them left this party and created a “group of independent deputies”, which in March 2016 joined Oksana Dmitrieva’s Growth Party. In the Legislative Assembly, Notyag formally remained a member of the Yabloko faction. Notyag - Deputy Chairman of the Legislative Assembly Commission on Education, Culture and Science, also a member of the control group and the budget and finance committee. His district is located in the Moscow region. Since 2012, the deputy has been a member of the commission for the development of built-up areas under the government of St. Petersburg, which deals with the renovation of Khrushchev buildings.
According to the website of the Legislative Assembly, in 2015 Notyag declared an income of 1.9 million rubles. (in 2014 - 2.2 million rubles), his wife - 205,905 rubles. They own a residential building with an area of 374.2 sq. m, apartment - 54.6 sq. m, land plot– 2670 sq. m, Lexus, Daewoo Nexia, BMW X5, four minibuses GAZ 32213.
Notyag was born on March 12, 1960 in the city of Gus-Khrustalny, Vladimir Region. After graduating from a music school, he worked at a factory as a mechanic. In 1985 he graduated from the Faculty of Conducting and Choir of the Higher Trade Union School of Culture in Leningrad, in 1995 from the Faculty of Management and Marketing of the University of North Carolina (USA) High Point. He founded one of the first private secondary schools in St. Petersburg - the NOU “Kindergarten-school “Prazdnik +”, the network of social pharmacies “People's Solidarity”, the production of wicker furniture LLC “Vlona”. According to SPARK, Notyag owns the private school Prazdnik and 50% of the private security company Gaudeamus.
Maria Buravtseva
Nadezhda Zaitseva
"You owe three hundred for the fourth quarter, three hundred for the first quarter. And preferably in advance"
Vyacheslav Notyag puts an envelope with money in the inside pocket of his jacket. PHOTO: screenshot from the shooting of the SU SK in St. Petersburg
Instead of a parliamentary chair, he has been sitting on a bed in an isolation cell since yesterday. And all because of a meeting in the Zvezda club on Leni Golikov Street with Oleg Glushchenko, director of the Voin-V construction company. It ended for the people's choice with arrest. What was discussed at this meeting was recorded on camera. The press service of the SU SK for St. Petersburg showed the footage to Komsomolskaya Pravda.
So plan one. In the frame opposite sits the people's choice. And he speaks to the director of “Voin-V” about “initiative groups”, not those who are dissatisfied with the reputation of the Ulyanovka quarter, but, on the contrary, supporters of perestroika. It turns out to be Deputy Notyaga's assistants. Not free for the developer.
Did you bring me awards? - specifies the deputy Vyacheslav Notyag.
I came to talk a little, - Oleg Glushchenko is not in a hurry to part with his money. - We haven't met for a long time. Let's remember: what, how, how much I have to give you. I already... When was the last time we met?
In Smolny ... - recalls Notyag.
In November somewhere, - prompts Glushchenko.
Yes, somewhere. Before New Year. I also asked you: "Give me a gift, and you're gone." Before New Year. You said, "Yes, yes, yes." And disappeared.
I agree. That is, I, it turns out, did not give you money last year, - Glushchenko apologizes.
Nothing. You are gone. I called you on the phone. And you didn't pick up the phone.
I just left.
This is also understandable.
Yes, then I saw, called back, apologized. Sorry for the long drive. But let's remember now.
You owe for the fourth quarter - three hundred, for the first quarter - three hundred. And preferably ahead of...
The second quarter, - the director understands.
That is, it turns out that I owe 900 thousand rubles. Understood.
Next, Glushchenko unobtrusively asks to be reminded for which he gives “gifts and bonuses” to Notyaga.
Why didn't I show up for a while? - explains Glushchenko. - I sometimes have thoughts in your head. We agreed that you would not take part in these rallies. Correctly?
I didn't participate, - notices Notyag.
You are not participating. You will not even write deputy requests about me.
I just..
You don't write. But look, you also said that you would give information if they (author's note - activists) make requests to you. They don't do anything, do they?
I had only one request. But it didn't touch you. By the way, I called you on the phone. You didn't take it again. They asked me. You can see it in the archive. It's an archive thing. They asked me. They are kicked again.
Make a request for a house. Kind of like archival information. And that's it.
I understand.
Explanations accepted. And then comes the payoff. Vyacheslav Notyag puts an envelope with money in the inside pocket of his jacket. And then guests from the FSB and investigators with their camera come in the door. Their video is no longer black and white. On the negotiating table, you can see an untouched plate with chopped vegetables. And a couple of empty coffee cups. Handcuffs are snapped on the deputy's hands.
Where Vyacheslav Notyag will spend time before the trial will be decided tomorrow afternoon. While he is detained. And he is in isolation.
OFFICIAL BIOGRAPHY
Born March 12, 1960 in the city of Gus-Khrustalny, Vladimir Region, in a family of workers. After graduating from a music school, he worked at a factory as a mechanic. In his free time, he taught at a music school, played the guitar and sang in a vocal and instrumental ensemble.
In 1981 he entered the conducting and choral faculty of the Higher Trade Union School of Culture in Leningrad. Upon graduation in 1985, he worked as the head of the VV Vorovsky Palace of Culture.
In 1987, he organized the Prazdnik company, which specializes in organizing and holding celebrations.
In 1995 he graduated from the Faculty of Management and Marketing of the University of North Carolina (USA) High Point.
In 1998, he created one of the first private secondary schools in St. Petersburg - the NOU "Kindergarten-School" Holiday + ". The institution has a cultural orientation and conducts educational and educational work with children from three years old until they receive a certificate of secondary education.
In 2008, the NOU “Kindergarten-school “Prazdnik+” was awarded the international award “Big Golden Crown” (London) in the field of quality and safety in education.
Since 2000, the interregional public organization for the social protection of the population "People's Solidarity" has been established and has been operating, providing the necessary assistance to the population of the city and the Leningrad Region.
In 2000, a network of social pharmacies "People's Solidarity" was created, where members of the organization and pensioners had discounts on the purchase of medicines.
Established in 1991, Vlona LLC, where people with disabilities are engaged in the production of wicker furniture, in 2002 received the gold quality mark “Made in St. Petersburg”.
In 2000, he took part in the creation of the Social Democratic Youth Union of St. Petersburg, whose work he supports to this day.
In 2005-2010, within the framework of a public-private partnership, by order of the Government of St. Petersburg, he repaired dilapidated and dilapidated housing in the city.
He took an active part in the creation and work of the Russian Social Democratic Party.
Married. Raises 4 children.
Provides assistance and takes an active part in the work of public organizations: "SPB LIGHT" of the All-Russian Society of the Blind, Moscow MO SPB GO LLC "All-Russian Society of the Disabled", ANO "Center for Cultural Programs", Creative Association "Triumph", regional public organization "Free Culture" Art Center "Pushkinskaya -10", regional public organization "St. Petersburg House of National Cultures", etc.
Takes a direct active part in the activities of the St. Petersburg Association of Non-Governmental and educational institutions, as well as various preschool institutions and additional vocational education. Provides assistance to the St. Petersburg Aviation Technical School.
Conducts joint work with the St. Petersburg city branch of the All-Russian Society for the Protection of Historical and Cultural Monuments.
On December 4, 2011, he was elected to the Legislative Assembly of St. Petersburg. Deputy Chairman of the Permanent commissions on education, culture and science. Member budget and finance committee. Member control group ZS SPb .
Member faction "APPLE".
UNOFFICIAL BIOGRAPHY
In the elections to the Legislative Assembly in December 2011, a strange story happened in the ranks of Yabloko. It was assumed that ex-deputy of the Legislative Assembly Mikhail Amosov and speaker of the Leningrad City Council Alexander Belyaev would go to parliament. However, in the end, Notyag, who at that time was the director of a private school, and his party comrade-in-arms, municipal Olga Galkina, passed to the Legislative Assembly. Within a few days, their percentages suddenly rose. The strangeness of the situation was emphasized by the fact that Notyag worked at a school where Yabloko leader Maxim Reznik taught history, and Galkina headed Reznik's campaign headquarters. Therefore, suspicions of falsification fell on Reznik.
Source: Novaya Gazeta No. 41 dated 12/16/2011
A similar unexpected increase in the results of some candidates in other cases occurred in the interests of " United Russia". The situation with Yabloko was very reminiscent of this worked out scheme. The results of the elections aroused distrust, and Yabloko decided to fight falsification in its own ranks. The bureau of the St. Petersburg branch of the Yabloko party recommended Notyaga and Galkina to surrender their mandates in favor of the more experienced politicians Amosov and Belyaev.
Source: Vedomosti No. 243 (3009) dated 12/23/2011
Notyag refused to give up his mandate. He insisted that he honestly received it, and emphasized that if someone has doubts, one can go to court.
Reznik tried to object to those who accused him of fraud, that the failure of Amosov and Belyaev in the elections was in fact a provocation of the party in power, carried out in order to create a split within Yabloko.
Source: City 812 (St. Petersburg) No. 044 dated 12/26/2011
Some members of the party believed that Notyag and Galkina's entry into parliament was the result of Reznik's personal agreement with Smolny and the City Electoral Committee. According to the management of Yabloko and independent observers, Notyag and Galkina were credited with about 2,000 votes. And the fact that the deputies did not agree to surrender their mandates made them accomplices in the falsification.
Notyag and Galkina eventually wrote statements about leaving the party, leaving mandates behind them.
Source: Kommersant No. 46 dated March 16, 2012
Because of this story, 13 of the oldest members of Yabloko left the party to create a new one. political structure. They pointed out the impossibility of a compromise with those party members who tried to persuade Notyag and Galkina to return the mandates as the reason for their act. But in the federal "Yabloko" they were not upset, calling the incident "self-cleansing" of the party, since these people, according to the party leadership, contributed to falsification.
As a result, Maxim Reznik had to leave the post of chairman of the St. Petersburg Yabloko. Even later, 22 more people were expelled from the party, who were also suspected of participating in the falsification of the election results.
Source: Nezavisimaya Gazeta, 01/15/2012
The party decided that it would not tolerate the participation of its members in falsification, so it was decided to re-register its members and elect a new leader.
Member of the Legislative Assembly of St. Petersburg (deputy chairman of the commission on education, science and culture, member of the budget and finance committee and the control group of the Legislative Assembly) with the outlandish surname Notyag.
Vyacheslav Onufrievich Notyag.
Guitarist and singer with his mouth, a graduate of the conducting and choral faculty of the Higher Trade Union School of Culture. A venerable businessman in the field of education, a graduate of the Faculty of Management and Marketing at High Point Private Methodist University (North Carolina, USA), winner of the Big Golden Crown international award (London).
Director of the first private NOU "Kindergarten-school "Holiday" ("culturological school of individual development"), which grew out of the cooperative sharashka of the same name for organizing solemn banquets. An active participant in the activities of the St. Petersburg Association of Non-Governmental and Educational Institutions.
Founder of the Social Democratic Youth Union of St. Petersburg and the interregional public organization "People's Solidarity". Former member of the regional leadership of the Yabloko party. Then he became a member of the Civic Platform party, collaborated with politician Oksana Dmitrieva (Rozenberg).
Defendant of unequivocal rumors about close relations with the Scientology sect. Enemy Orthodox Church, author of the public statement " Bell alarm is a harbinger of war".
A consistent defender of homosexuals and pedophiles, who voted for the abolition of the ban on propaganda of homosexuality among minors.
However, employees of the Investigative Committee and the FSB took Notyag not for pedophilia (for example), but caught him on banal bribery.
The Main Investigative Committee of the ICR for St. Petersburg initiated a criminal case against 56-year-old Vyacheslav Notyaga, a deputy of the legislative (representative) body of state power of the subject Russian Federation- Legislative Assembly of St. Petersburg of the fifth convocation on the grounds of a crime under Part 6 of Art. 290 of the Criminal Code of the Russian Federation (receiving a bribe on an especially large scale).
It follows from the materials of the criminal case that from November 2014 to April 2016, Notyag proposed to the general director of one of the commercial structures to give him a bribe in the amount of at least 300 thousand rubles on a quarterly basis for not obstructing the construction work carried out by this commercial structure in one of the districts of the city.
Thus, during the specified period of time, the suspect repeatedly received bribes totaling at least 900 thousand rubles.
On April 21, 2016, in the Zvezda club, located at 27 Leni Golikova Street, the deputy received another bribe in the amount of 600 thousand rubles from the general director, after which he was detained by the FSB of Russia in St. Petersburg and the Leningrad Region.
http://spb.sledcom.ru/Novosti/item/1031836/Simply put: he fought against building (for the people! For the historical appearance!), Blackmailing the merchants with this and exacting tribute from them into a spacious pocket.
Typical oppositionist.
The modest house of Notyaga (with an area of almost 400 square meters) in Strelna
Member of the Legislative Assembly of St. Petersburg formally from the Yabloko faction. Expelled from the faction, represents the Civic Platform party
After graduating from a music school, he worked as a mechanic at a factory. In his free time, he taught at a music school, played the guitar and sang in a vocal and instrumental ensemble.
In 1981 he came to Leningrad and entered the conducting and choral faculty of the Higher Trade Union School of Culture, which he successfully graduated in 1985. He worked as the head of the Palace of Culture.
In 1987, he organized the "Prazdnik" cooperative, which specialized in organizing and holding celebrations.
In 1995 he graduated from the Faculty of Management and Marketing of the University of North Carolina (USA) High Point.
In 1998, he organized and headed one of the first private secondary schools in St. Petersburg - the NOU "Kindergarten-school "Holiday". The institution has a cultural orientation and conducts educational and educational work with children from three years old until they receive a certificate of secondary education.
In 2008 he was awarded the international award "Big Golden Crown" (London) in the field of quality and safety in education.
In 2000, he created and headed the interregional public organization social protection of the population "People's Solidarity".
He took an active part in the creation of the Russian Social Democratic Party. Created the "Social-Democratic Union of Youth of St. Petersburg".
On December 4, 2011, he was elected to the Legislative Assembly of St. Petersburg. Deputy Chairman of the Permanent Commission on Education, Culture and Science. Member of the Budget and Finance Committee.
Soon after the elections, a scandal erupted around Vyacheslav Notyag and his faction colleague Olga Galkina. As part of the intra-party struggle, they were accused of becoming deputies as a result of electoral fraud. They later left the party, declaring that they would continue to work for the good of the party. Both deputies vote according to the decisions of the faction.
It is believed that the conflict around Notyag and Galkina could have arisen because of the desire of opponents within the party to remove the deputy of the Legislative Assembly from the Yabloko faction and, at that time, the head of the regional branch of the party, Maxim Reznik, from his post as head of the branch. Reznik was accused of not forcing Galkina and Notyag to give up their mandates, which would allow those candidates who were shortchanged by the election commission during the counting and recounting of ballots to become deputies. For the places of Notyag and Galkina, ex-deputy and ex-head of the regional branch of the party Mikhail Amosov and Alexander Belyaev, who later headed the St. Petersburg OFAS, were expected.
25/04/2016
The detention on Thursday evening of opposition deputy Vyacheslav Notyag, who is suspected of taking a bribe, effectively added to the resignation of the head of the Gorizborkma that happened the day before. And everyone started talking about the fact that Smolny "sent a reply." The version of the “answer” is beautiful, but has a flaw: after all, Puchnin’s resignation occurred with the blessing of Smolny.
56 Vyacheslav Notyag, aged 18, was detained at the Zvezda club in the Kirovsky district, where he allegedly received a bribe of 600,000 rubles from Oleg Glushchenko, general director of the construction company Voin-V. The next day, the Investigative Committee distributed a bunch of videos, of which the moment of Notyag's detention by the FSB is the most uninteresting. Then there was a video of money being taken out of the pocket of a deputy's jacket in the investigator's office, and most importantly, a recording of negotiations made from a camera hidden in Glushchenko's pocket.
According to investigators, Notyag extorted from Glushchenko a bribe in the amount of 300,000 rubles with a strange frequency - once a quarter - for not interfering with the scandalous construction that Voin-V is conducting in Ulyanka, next to Alexandrino Park. In particular, he will not write deputy requests. The company allegedly paid money to the deputy since 2014, but then his colleague and senior comrade in the independent deputy group Maxim Reznik began to send requests on his own behalf. Further, it is not clear: either they decided to give bribes to him too (therefore, the amount was not 300 thousand, but 600), or they were offended and reported to the investigative committee. Oleg Glushchenko himself told Fontanka that he spoke with Notyag in the presence of Reznik and he was aware. But Reznik does not seem to appear in the case file.
The hidden record shows the following: deputy Notyag reminds the person sitting in front of him (apparently, Oleg Glushchenko) that he owes him money - for the last quarter, this one, and it would be nice to pay for the next one. Total 900 thousand. “We agreed that you would not participate in rallies and would not write requests,” the source said. The deputy confirms that he did not write requests and did not participate in the rallies. In addition, the deputy, as it turns out, promised to inform if they would turn to him for any requests. But they did not contact him. Actually, this is where the content ends.
The video makes a slightly strange impression: Vyacheslav Notyag, a rather inconspicuous deputy in life, behaves sternly and “pokes”, while his interlocutor, the general director of a large construction company, communicates with him like a schoolboy with a teacher. However, there is no reason to believe that the video is fake.
However, for all that, the story of the bribe looks very strange. There was no point in paying money to Notyag, since the main fighter against this construction site in Ulyanka is Boris Vishnevsky, who regularly bombards Smolny and other authorities with deputy requests, helps protesting citizens, etc. Boris Vishnevsky himself confirmed to City 812 that he has been actively fighting construction in Ulyanka for 4 years. At the same time, he added, Notyag used to fight too, but then he reduced his activity.
From the ethical point of view, the situation, of course, does not look very nice, to put it mildly. But it is impossible to say unequivocally that we are talking about a bribe. Before us may be, for example, the transfer of money by the sponsor to the party fund at the same time as discussing the conditions under which the party is financed. And then such a conversation will be the most common thing for any party and any deputy cabinet. Well, let not anyone (so as not to offend those who consider themselves almost saints), but almost anyone.
Why would a company pay one deputy when the threat to it comes from another? It can be either stupidity or treason. In a sense - a setup.
Why did all this happen right now? Obviously, a version arises that a blow to Notyag is a blow to Reznik, and a blow to Reznik is a blow to speaker Vyacheslav Makarov. And all this together is Smolny's revenge for Puchnin. But, firstly, Georgy Poltavchenko, according to Gorod 812, himself agreed on the resignation of the head of the City Electoral Committee (see page ??). Secondly, for almost 5 years of his reign, he never once demonstrated an inclination to such (as well as to any other) methods of political struggle.
Some believe that this could have been a personal initiative of the vice-governor Alexander Govorunov, who was called the main ill-wisher of Vyacheslav Makarov in Smolny. This is supported by the fact that initially Vyacheslav Notyaga was detained by the FSB, namely, Alexander Govorunov was listed in this department. Secondly, Reznik's deputy requests, inspired by Makarov, were directed personally against Govorunov. That is, he has personal motives.
The fact that Vyacheslav Makarov took this story as a serious threat is evidenced by the fact that on Thursday evening he went to talk to the head of the St. Petersburg Investigative Committee, Alexander Klaus. As a result, the speaker's press service distributed a meaningless, but valuable fact of its existence, commentary.
According to another version, the initiator of this whole story is the "Warrior-V". Now the company is constantly attacked by city defenders and suffers losses: the territory planning project for this quarter was canceled by the court, and KGIOP, which allowed construction equipment to drive through Alexandrino Park, received a scolding from the Ministry of Culture for this. Now a shadow has been cast on the city defenders, and the company itself has turned from an aggressor into a victim.
Perhaps there is a phenomenon under the fashionable word "synergy": the interests of the builders, the FSB and the vice-governor converged and strengthened each other. Some believe that all this is an attempt to remove Notyag from the elections. But his chances of winning are not so great as to resort to such radical methods to prevent it.
The failed landing of United Russia deputy Svetlana Nesterova comes to mind: last year a case was opened, several of her assistants were arrested, and she herself was urgently admitted to the hospital. Then everyone said that this was the beginning of the war between Smolny and Zaks. But the war never started, Nesterova recovered, and her assistants were released. True, at that time no direct accusations were made against the deputy.
Perhaps, some believe, now it has finally come to the point of war. But the situation was best described by one of the people close to Alexei Puchnin: “When you destroy stability, be prepared for the most unexpected things to happen.” .
