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History of international relations: In three volumes. Volume 2

M.: Aspect Press, 2012. - 496 p. The textbook is devoted to the history of international relations and the foreign policy of the Soviet state in the period between the two world wars and during the Second World War. The international political process in the interwar twenty years (1919-1939) is considered as the history of the formation, evolution and subsequent collapse of the Versailles-Washington system - the first global international order created by the Entente powers after the First World War.

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HISTORY OF INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS1 In three volumes Volume II Interwar period and World War II HISTORY OF INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS1 In three volumes Volume II Interwar period and World War II UD to 1/7 I.I.h Mil Contents I I "M" II (> \C > I "l. Hllh til nil i M I itl"M"! K I \ I > I 11.< I . I . I I I >| >11< >II|>M IH H I / l t " |) A KS Mr 1.1 I " I Y | H 1 H N H k . l l l to o M I P P I A » Foreword Mi I-1IM M C | 1 P P k o l l i< >1 1 1 1 m 11 11 t ! -<>< i I , I mi 11 l i e I I I . I C i i i c i i ш к о л ы » 7567-0672-7 Учебник iiocMMiueii истории международных отношений и внешней политике t оценкою юсударства в период между двумя мировыми войнами и в годы Второй миромон помпы Международно-политический процесс в межвоенное двадцатилетие (I"M1" I"M") 11) рассматривается как история становления, эволюции и последующего крлча Kepeaiii.eKo Вашингтонской системы - первого глобального международного мо|11|11к,1, с» i/iaiiiioro державами Антанты после Первой мировой войны. Отдельные р.| пи-пи киши с пошций системного подхода освещают историю международных отiioiiinnm м I пропс, Ашатско-Тихоокеанском регионе, а также на Ближнем, Среднем Иен юм- и и Латинском Америке. Подробн; о анализируются деятельность Лиги Наций и in помпме международные конференции межвоенных лет- Парижская, Генуэзская, ilomiiiii каи.Локарпская, Мюнхенская. В разделе, посвященном Второй мировой войне, o"and s I m.1 and a" L INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS IN EUROPE IN 1 9 2 3 - 1 9 2 5 YY. LOCARNO CONFERENCE;| I I S H N "I7.X l I S I t N)7N S 7S67 0672 S 7S(,7 067(1 7 (i II) I INK >(U> M I D Goemm, ."01." "L "." 1 1 i n l i c i n. c i n o "A c i i e k i 1 1 p r o,." I- I "and" ichig "Inn ss i and Mil I .III II" 0\u003e | | . !nis.1-1 1 "I I In,in J\.iy to l At h and "in |, n i l 11| and i and ii< i HI I ll Nil II ,1 11| III II I. II inn < (("I "" I |оД| I >l< Illl- il I ,l| 1,1111 ИППО1 о 11. II- 1,1 . . . . . . . УДК 327 ББК 66.4 И90 Издание подготовлено при поддержке ОАО «Уральская горно-металлургическая компания», Некоммерческой организации Фонд «Economic development higher education” Editorial board A. V. Torkunov (editor-in-chief), M. M. Narinsky (deputy editor-in-chief), Yu. A. Dubinin. A. V. Malgin, A. V. Revyakin, A. Yu. Sidorov Editor of volume II A. Yu. Sidorov Team of authors prof. ist. Sciences A. Yu. Borisov, Assoc. Prof., Ph.D. ist. Sciences N. E. Kleimenova. prof.. dr. ist. Sciences M. M. Narinsky, Assoc. Prof., Ph.D. ist. Sciences A. Yu. Sidorov History of International Relations: In three volumes: Textbook / Ed. A. In Thorg-nova. I90 M. M. Narinsky. - M.: Aspect Press, 2012. ISBN 978-5-7567-0670-3 T. II: Interwar period and World War II / A. Y. Borisov. N. E. Kleymenova. M. M. Narinsky, A. Yu. Sidorov. - 2012. - 496 p. ISBN 978-5-7567-0672-7 The textbook is devoted to the history of international relations and externally;-: t:.:itike of the Soviet state in the period between the two world wars and in the goal: World War II. The international political process in the interwar years (1919-1939) is considered as the history of the formation, evolution and post-war collapse of the Versailles-Washington system - the first global international order created by the Entente powers after World War I Separate sections of the book from the standpoint of a systematic approach cover the history of international relations in Europe, the Asia-Pacific region, as well as in the Middle East and Latin America. The activities of the Leagues are analyzed in detail;: Nations and the main international conferences of the interwar years - Parisian Gen; - Ezian Lausanne, Locarno Munich. In the section devoted to the Second World Zone. Special attention is given to the consideration of Nazi aggression in Europe and Sszeto-German relations in September 1939 - June 1941, the formation and strengthening of the anti-Hitler coalition in 1941 - 1943, as well as the decisions taken by the Soviet Union, the USA and Great Britain at conferences in Tehran, Yalta and Potsdam. For university students. UDC 327 LBC 66.4 ISBN 978-5-7567-0672-7 (Vol. II) ISBN 978-5-7567-0670-3 £ £ MGIMO (U) MFA of Russia, 2012 Aspect Press publishing house, 2012 All textbooks of the publishing house " Aspect Press” on the site www.aspectpress.ru UDC 327 BBK 66.4 I90 The publication was prepared with the support of OJSC “Ural Mining and Metallurgical Company”. Non-profit organization Foundation "Economic Development of Higher Education" Editorial Board A. V. Torkunov (editor-in-chief). M. M. Narinsky (deputy editor-in-chief), Yu. A. Dubinin. A. V. Malgin, A. V. Revyakin, A. Yu. Sidorov Editor of volume II A. Yu. Sidorov Team of authors prof. ist. Sciences A. Yu. Borisov, Assoc. Prof., Ph.D. ist. Sciences N. E. Kleimenova, prof., doctor. ist. Sciences M. M. Narinsky, Assoc. Prof., Ph.D. ist. Sciences A. Yu. Sidorov History of International Relations: In three volumes: Textbook Ed. A. V. Torkunova, I90 M. M. Narinsky. - M.: Aspect Press, 2012. ISBN 978-5-7567-0670-3 T. II: Interwar period and World War II / A. Y. Borisov. N. E. Kleimenova, M. M. Narinsky, A. Yu. Sidorov. - 2012. - 496 p. ISBN 978-5-7567-0672-7 The textbook is devoted to the history of international relations and the foreign policy of the Soviet state between the two world wars and during the Second World War. The international political process in the interwar twenty years (1919-1939) is considered as the history of the formation, evolution and subsequent collapse of the Versailles-Washington system - the first global international order created by the Entente powers after the First World War. Separate sections of the book from the standpoint of a systematic approach cover the history of international relations in Europe, the Asia-Pacific region, as well as in the Middle East and Latin America. The activities of the League of Nations and the main international conferences of the interwar years - the Paris one - are analyzed in detail. Genoese, Lausanne, Locarno. Munich. The section on World War II focuses on the Nazi aggression in Europe and Soviet-German relations in September 1939 - June 1941, the formation and strengthening of the anti-Hitler coalition in 1941 - 1943, as well as the decisions taken by the Soviet Union, the United States and Great Britain at conferences in Tehran, Yalta and Potsdam. For university students. UDC 327 LBC 66.4 ISBN 978-5-7567-06 7 2-7 (vol. II) ISBN 978-5-7567-0670-3 MGIMO (U) MFA of Russia. 2012 Aspect Press Publishing House. 2012 All textbooks of Aspect Press publishing house on www.aspectpress.ru Contents 9 Foreword Section I VERSAILLES SYSTEM OF INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS IN EUROPE CHAPTER 1. PARIS PEACE CONFERENCE. FORMATION OF THE VERSAILLES SYSTEM 1.1. 1.2. 1.3. 1.4. 1.5. 1.6. 1.7. 1.8. Beginning of the Paris Peace Conference. Creation of the League of Nations The main approaches of the victorious powers to the problems of a peaceful settlement in Europe The Treaty of Versailles The Treaty of Saint-Germain, Trianon and Neuilly Treaties of Sevres and Lausanne The final territorial settlement in Eastern Europe The return of the United States to the position of isolationism The Versailles system 12 12 18 19 22 25 28 31 32 Chapter 2. FORMATION OF THE FOREIGN POLICY OF SOVIET RUSSIA. GENOA CONFERENCE 2.1. The Doctrine of the World Revolution. Creation of the Comintern 2.2. "Russian Question" at the Paris Peace Conference. Mission Bullitt 2.3. The victory of the Bolsheviks in the civil war and the end of the intervention of the Entente countries 2.4. Sovietization of the Caucasus. Soviet-Turkish relations 2.5. Establishment of diplomatic relations between Soviet Russia and the Baltic countries 2.6. The Soviet-Polish War of 1920. The Peace of Riga 2.7. Bessarabian protocol 2.8. Formation of the principle of peaceful coexistence in Soviet foreign policy 2.9. Preparation of the Genoa Conference 2.10. Beginning of the Genoa Conference. Negotiations at Villa Albertis 2.11. Treaty of Rapallo between Soviet Russia and Germany 2.12. Final stage of the Genoa Conference 2.13. The Hague Conference. Outcomes of the negotiations in Genoa and The Hague LOCARNO CONFERENCE 70 3.1. Franco-Belgian occupation of the Ruhr and its consequences 3.2. "Dawes Plan" 3.3. Geneva Protocol 3.4. "The strip of confessions of the USSR" 3.5. Preparation of the guarantee pact 3.6. The Locarno Conference and its Decisions 70 74 75 77 82 84 3 CHAPTER 4. THE POST LOCARNO PERIOD OF POLITICAL STABILIZATION IN EUROPE 4.1. International implications of the Locarno agreements 4.2. USSR and the Locarno Process 4.3. Soviet-German non-aggression and neutrality pact 4.4. The course of the USSR towards the conclusion of bilateral treaties on neutrality and non-aggression 4.5. Soviet-French relations 4.6. Rupture of Soviet-British relations 4.7. "European detente" and Soviet foreign policy 4. 8. Problems of disarmament in the second half of the 1920s 4.9. Briand-Kellogg Pact 4.10. Young's Plan. Pan European Union Project 4.11. Growing international tension at the turn of the 1920s-1930s 4.12. Geneva Conference on Arms Reduction and Limitation 4.13. Conclusion Soviet Union treaties of non-aggression with France and the neighboring states of Europe CHAPTER 5. INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS IN EUROPE IN 1 9 3 3 - 1 9 3 5 THE CRISIS OF THE VERSAILLES SYSTEM 5.1. Establishment of the Nazi dictatorship in Germany. The foreign policy program of the National Socialists 5.2. Convention on the Definition of Aggression 5.3. "Pact of four" 5.4. Soviet-Italian treaty of friendship, non-aggression and neutrality 5.5. Soviet-French rapprochement 5.6. German-Polish declaration 5.7. Soviet-French negotiations on the Eastern Pact 5.8. The second "streak of confessions" of the Soviet state. The entry of the USSR into the League of Nations 5.9. Continuation of the Soviet-French negotiations after the assassination of Barthou. Geneva Protocol 5.10. First Anschluss of Austria. Franco-Italian rapprochement 5.11. Hitler's course towards the final rejection of the Treaty of Versailles and the reaction of the Western powers. Conference in Stresa 5.12. The conclusion of the Soviet-French and Soviet-Czechoslovak mutual assistance treaties 5.13. VII Congress of the Comintern 88 88 91 91 94 95 97 98 101 102 104 104 106 110 111 114 114 117 119 121 122 124 126 129 130 132 134 140 g l and V A 6. An increase in the military threat in Europe in 1 9 3 5 - 1 9 3 7 POLICY OF PACIFICATION 142 6.1. Anglo-German Naval Agreement 142 6.2. Italian attack on Ethiopia. Crisis of the League of Nations 143 6.3. The failure of the "Laval-Hore plan" 146 6.4. Austro-German Agreement 1936, 148 6.5. Remilitarization of the Rhineland 148 6.6. Conference in Montreux 151 6.7. Problems of the conclusion by the Soviet Union of an agreement on mutual assistance with Romania and a military convention with France 154 6.8. Civil War in Spain. The policy of non-intervention in Spanish affairs.... 157 6.9. Formation of a bloc of aggressive states 161 6.10. International consequences and results of the war in Spain 6.11. Appeasement policy of Nazi Germany 6.12. E. Halifax's negotiations with Hitler 162 166 170 CHAPTER 7. INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS IN EUROPE IN 1938 MUNICH CONFERENCE 7.1. Anschluss of Austria 7.2. Czechoslovak crisis 7.3. Chamberlain's negotiations with Hitler in Berchtesgaden and Bad Godesberg 7.4. Munich conference and its decisions 7.5. The Soviet Union and the Czechoslovak Crisis 7.6. International implications of the Munich Agreement. The collapse of the Versailles system 173 173 175 180 182 184 187 CHAPTER 8. THE PRE-WAR POLITICAL CRISIS OF 1939 192 8.1. 8.2. 8.3. 8.4. 8.5. 8.6. 8.7. 8.8. 8.9. 192 194 196 203 206 207 208 211 Seizure of Czechoslovakia by Germany Anglo-French policy of guarantees Changes in the foreign policy and foreign policy department of the USSR Beginning of Anglo-French-Soviet negotiations Ease of tension in German-Soviet relations German-Italian alliance ("Pact of Steel") Anglo- Franco-Soviet political negotiations Secret Anglo-German negotiations Germany's initiative to normalize relations with the USSR 8. 10. Anglo-French-Soviet military negotiations 8.11. The non-aggression pact between the USSR and Germany and the secret additional protocol 8.12. International Significance and Consequences of Soviet-German Agreements 213 214 216 219 Section II WASHINGTON SYSTEM OF INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS IN THE APR CHAPTER 9. INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS IN THE APR. FORMATION OF THE WASHINGTON SYSTEM 9.1. 9.2. 9.3. 9.4. 9.5. 9.6. 9.7. Head of the Alignment of Forces in the Asia-Pacific Region on the Eve and During the War. Formation of the regional system of international relations The Far Eastern question at the Paris Peace Conference Aggravation of Japanese-American contradictions Soviet policy in the Far East during the Civil War. Creation of the Far Eastern Republic Soviet policy in Mongolia Washington Conference and its decisions. Treaties of four, five and nine powers Washington system 226 226 231 233 235 239 241 247 10. INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS IN THE APR 1 9 2 2 - 1 9 3 0 10.1. The end of the Japanese intervention and the inclusion of the FER in the Soviet Russia 10.2. Settlement of Soviet-Chinese relations. Cooperation between the USSR and the Kuomintang 251 251 252 10.3. Normalization of relations between the USSR and Japan 10.4. National revolution in China and its impact on international relations. The role of the USSR and the Comintern in the Chinese revolution 10.5. Stabilization of the Washington system in the second half of the 1920s 10.6. Soviet-Chinese conflict on the Chinese Eastern Railway 256 257 261 264 CHAPTER 11. INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS IN THE APR IN THE 1930s. THE COLLAPSE OF THE WASHINGTON SYSTEM 11.1. 11.2. 11.3. 11.4. Japan's transition to an aggressive policy Japan's aggression in Manchuria. The Crisis of the Washington System Events in Manchuria and the Position of the USSR Report of the Lytton Commission. Japan's withdrawal from the League of Nations 11.5. Normalization of Soviet-Chinese relations 11.6. Establishment of diplomatic relations between the USSR and the USA 11.7. Soviet-Japanese relations. Sale of CER 11.8. Deepening the crisis of the Washington system. Anti-Comintern Pact 11.9. US Neutrality Laws 11.10. Relations of the USSR with China and the MPR 11.11. Beginning of the Sino-Japanese War. The collapse of the Washington system 11.12. The Soviet-Chinese non-aggression treaty of 1937 Military assistance of the USSR to China 11.13. Continuation of the Japanese-Chinese war in 1938-1939. "Arita-Craigie Agreement" 11.14. Soviet-Japanese conflicts near Lake Khasan and the Khalkhin Gol River 268 268 269 272 273 274 275 276 277 280 281 285 287 289 292 S e c in a 12. INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS IN THE MIDDLE EAST 296 12.1. Middle East during the First World War. The problem of creating an independent Arab state 12.2. Declaration of Independence of Egypt 12.3. Declaration of Independence of Iraq 12.4. Mandatory administration of Transjordan 12.5. The Palestinian problem in international relations 12.6. France's policy in the mandated territories and in the Arab colonies 12.7. Education Saudi Arabia 12.8. Soviet Union and Arab countries 12.9. The emergence of the "oil factor" in the Middle East policy 12.10. Middle East on the eve of the war. The policy of the fascist states 296 300 302 303 305 311 313 317 318 319 CHAPTER 13. INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS IN THE MIDDLE EAST 13.1. 13.2. 13.3. 13.4. Middle East and World War I. "The Sykes-Picot Agreement" Conceptual foundations of Soviet policy in the countries of the East Sovietization of the Khiva Khanate and the Emirate of Bukhara Foreign policy of Afghanistan. Soviet-Afghan relations 13.5. Iranian foreign policy. Soviet-Iranian relations 13.6. Turkey's foreign policy after the Lausanne Conference. Soviet-Turkish relations 13.7. Saadabad Pact 6 322 322 323 326 328 332 337 341 CHAPTER 14. INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS IN LATIN AMERICA 14.1. Formation of the regional system of international relations in Latin America at the beginning of XX century 14.2. Latin American countries and the First World War 14.3. Latin America and the League of Nations 14.4. The Pan American Process in the 1920s 14.5. Transition of the USA to the policy of "good neighbor" 14.6. Chak war 14.7. War in the "trapeze of Leticia" 14.8. German expansion and the growth of the fascist threat in Latin America in the 1930s 14.9. Pan American Conferences in Buenos Aires and Lima. Latin America and the beginning of World War II 14.10. The Soviet Union and the States of Latin America 344 344 349 350 351 354 357 359 360 361 363 Section IV SECOND WORLD WAR CHAPTER 15. INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS DURING THE BEGINNING PERIOD OF THE SECOND WORLD WAR (September 1 - 1939) June 1, 1941) 15.1. German attack on Poland. Beginning of World War II. Positions of the USSR and Western powers 15.2. Military campaign of the USSR against Poland. Soviet-German Treaty of Friendship and Border 15.3. Conclusion by the Soviet Union of mutual assistance treaties with the Baltic states. Soviet-German cooperation 15.4. Soviet-Finnish war 15.5. "Strange War" in the West 15.6. Germany's transition to active operations in the West. Defeat of France 15.7. Inclusion of the Baltic States, Bessarabia and Northern Bukovina into the USSR 15.8. "Battle for England". Changing position of the USA 15.9. conclusion of the Tripartite Pact. Italy's aggression in the Balkans 15.10. Cooling of the Soviet-German relations. Visit of V, M. Molotov to Berlin 15.11. Struggle in the Balkans 15.12. The conclusion of the Soviet-Japanese agreement on neutrality 15.13. Formation of the Anglo-American Alliance. US Lend-Lease Act 15.14. Completion of Germany's preparations for an attack on the USSR. Stalin's foreign policy miscalculations 368 368 370 372 373 375 376 379 380 382 383 384 386 388 389 Chapter 16. INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS IN THE YEARS OF THE GREAT PATRIOTIC WAR 393 16.1. 16.2. 16.3. 16.4. 16.5. 16.6. 16.7. 16.8. 16.9. 393 399 401 404 405 407 407 410 413 Birth of the anti-Hitler coalition Atlantic charter Establishment of inter-allied cooperation Entering Soviet and British troops into Iran Moscow conference on military supplies Extending Lend-Lease to the Soviet Union Blitzkrieg failure. US entry into the Second world war The question of opening a second front in 1941 VisitA. Eden to Moscow 7 16.10. Declaration of the United Nations 16.11.1 Washington Conference 16.12. The Soviet-British Union Treaty (May 26, 1942) and the Soviet-American Agreement (June 11, 1942) 16.13. Negotiations on the second front in 1942 16.14. International consequences of the Battle of Stalingrad. The beginning of a radical change in the war 16.15. The landing of Anglo-American troops in North Africa. Conference in Casablanca 16.16. Battle of Kursk Completion of a radical change in the war 16.17. Surrender of Italy 16.18. Moscow Conference of Foreign Ministers of the USSR, USA and Great Britain 16.19. Tehran conference 16.20. Opening of the second front. Withdrawal from the Allied War of Germany 16.21. VisitU. Churchill to Moscow (October 1944) 16.22. USSR and the states of Eastern Europe. Polish question 16.23. Treaty of Union between the USSR and France 16.24. Yalta conference 16.25. Germany's unconditional surrender. The end of the war in Europe 16.26. Preparations for the new Big Three Conference 16.27. Potsdam Conference 16.28. The entry of the USSR into the war with Japan. Unconditional surrender of Japan 16.29. Results of the Second World War 414 415 416 419 422 423 426 428 429 434 438 443 444 447 448 454 457 458 462 465 Conclusion 469 Chronological table 473 PREFACE relations and foreign policy of Russia MGIMO. It examines the history of international relations in the interwar twenty years and during the Second World War (1918-1945). This volume continues a series of educational publications of a new generation prepared by the department, including books by M. M. Narinsky, A. Yu. Sidorov and N. E. Kleimenova1 devoted to the period under consideration. The methodological base of the textbook was a systematic approach to the study and teaching of international relations. Its starting point is the idea of ​​international politics as an independent historical reality that has its own logic and patterns of development. The history of international relations within the framework of this methodology appears as a single, internally integral historical and political process, which is based on the change of international political systems. The system of international relations is a specific historical, stable form of their political organization (international order), which is fixed in international law and reflects both the correlation (balance) of forces and the specifics of relations between the states included in the system. In turn, the balance of power is understood as the ratio of military potentials, political weight and influence of states, primarily great powers, at a given historical moment in time. A special case of the balance of power is the equilibrium of the international system, in which the dominance of one or more powers becomes impossible. Equilibrium ensures the observance of the main interests of the states included in the system and the maintenance of international security. The systems approach allows us to consider the period between the two world wars as the history of the formation, evolution and subsequent collapse of the Versailles-Washington system of international relations. This system, created by the powers of the Entente after the First World War and existed until the end of the 1930s, became one of the most important stages in the development of the world political process in Modern and Contemporary times and the first attempt in history to create a global international order. For the first time, the group of great powers included two non-European states - the USA and Japan, and the idea was laid in the foundation of the post-war world order. 1939-1945). Moscow: MGIMO. 1999; Sidorov A. Yu., Igeimenova N. E. History of international relations. 1918-1939: Textbook. M.: "Tsentrpoligraf", 2006. creation of not European, but global balance. The creators of the new order failed to successfully cope with this task. The United States was never able to overcome isolationist political thinking, and Germany, the USSR, Japan and Italy, for various reasons, were dissatisfied with their position in the Versailles-Washington system. As a result, five of the seven great powers (with the exception of Great Britain and France) essentially refused to assume the role of guarantors of this international system, which doomed it to an early collapse in the 1930s. The result of the collapse of the Versailles-Washington order and the struggle of Nazi Germany and Japan for world domination was the Second World War, which became the greatest disaster in the history of mankind. In the section devoted to the Second World War, special attention is paid to the consideration of Nazi aggression in Europe, the diplomacy of the great powers and Soviet-German relations in the initial period of the war (September 1, 1939 - June 21, 1941), the formation and strengthening of the anti-Hitler coalition in 1941-1943 gg. , decisions taken by the USSR, the USA and Great Britain at the conferences in Tehran, Yalta and Potsdam. Regional systems of international relations do not dissolve in the global international order, but continue to exist as its autonomous parts of a single complex structure. Separate sections of the textbook are devoted to international relations in Europe and the Asia-Pacific region, the formation of regional international systems in the Middle East, the Middle East and Latin America. A significant place in the book is occupied by the history of the foreign policy of Soviet Russia and the Soviet Union. During the period under review, communist ideology had a decisive influence on its formation. It aimed the foreign policy strategy of the USSR at the development of the world revolutionary process both through the spread of communist ideas and through external expansion. However, along with revolutionary tasks, foreign policy also solved the tasks of ensuring the security of the Soviet state, which brought political realism and pragmatism to its content, and during the Second World War made possible a fruitful alliance with the capitalist Great Britain and the USA. The textbook was prepared on the basis of lecture courses, in different time read by the authors at the faculties of international relations and political science of MGIMO-University. It corresponds to the approximate program of the discipline "History of International Relations and Foreign Policy of Russia" of the federal component of the State Educational Standard in the areas of "International Relations" and "Regional Studies". Chapters 1,4 and 5 were written by N. E. Kleimenova: chapters 2, 3, 6-14 - by A. Yu. Sidorov; §3 chapter 8-A. V. Malgin; chapter 15 - M. M. Narinsky; chapter 16 - A. Yu. Borisov. The chronology of events was prepared jointly by the authors. "L- do r. eat from: s in put. SECTION I i in "N- [at the same time I eat 1I- ieyu<и 4а)ГО ia- зз- ююш1И-> on 101 - VERSAILLES SYSTEM OF INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS IN EUROPE CHAPTER 1 PARIS PEACE CONFERENCE. FORMATION OF THE VERSAILLES SYSTEM 1.1. Beginning of the Paris Peace Conference. Creation of the League of Nations At the end of hostilities, the victors began to prepare a peace conference, which was supposed to sum up the results of the war and lay the foundations for a new world order. The five leading victorious powers formed a political body - the Supreme Council of the Entente, which included the heads of government and foreign ministers of Great Britain and France. of Italy, the President and Secretary of State of the United States, and Japanese diplomatic representatives appointed by its emperor. Under the leadership of the Supreme Council, all the preparations for the conference took place: the venue and composition of the participants were agreed upon, the agenda and order of work were determined. It was agreed that, in contrast to previous international practice, when the winners and the losers at the same table discussed the terms of a peace settlement, the losing powers of the Quadruple Alliance would not be allowed to participate in decision-making. Representatives of Russia engulfed in the Civil War did not receive invitations either, since at that time there was no internationally recognized Russian government. The Peace Conference began its work on January 18, 1919 in Paris. It was a representative international forum, which was attended by delegations from 27 states of Europe, Asia and America, who fought on the side of the Entente or declared war on the powers of the Quadruple Alliance, as well as representatives of a number of neutral states. Hard work began at the conference to agree on and prepare mutually acceptable solutions. Discussion of certain issues took place in specially created commissions and sections with the participation of representatives of interested parties. However, the most important political decisions were made not by the working bodies of the conference and not at its plenary meetings, but in a narrow circle of top representatives of the five leading victorious powers, who made up the so-called Council of Ten. Great Britain was represented by Prime Minister D. Lloyd George and mi12 Chapter 1. The Paris Peace Conference. Formation of the Versailles system of foreign affairs A. Balfour, France - Prime Minister J. Clemenceau and Foreign Minister S. Pichon, USA - President W. Wilson and Secretary of State R. Lansing. Itapia - Prime Minister V. Orlando and Minister of Foreign Affairs J. Sonnino, Japan - former Prime Minister S. Kimmosi and former Foreign Minister N. Makino. At the suggestion of Wilson on March 25, 1919, the heads of the delegations that were members of the Council of Ten decided to continue meetings without the Ministers of Foreign Affairs. Thus, it was transformed into the Council of Five, and in practice - into the Council of Four (due to Japan's disinterest in European affairs). In view of the fact that the Japanese were mainly interested in the problems of the Asia-Pacific region, and Italy, in comparison with the other powers of the "five", was essentially a junior partner, cardinal decisions on key political problems depended on the position of the three great powers - Great Britain, France and the United States. There was no unanimity at all within the Big Three; on the contrary, relations between the leading victorious powers were very complicated. The differences between them were based not only on the clash of state interests, but also on fundamental differences in the ideological and political orientation of their leaders. The most experienced among them was French Prime Minister J. Clemenceau, a 78-year-old politician of a national radical orientation, who, moreover, represented at the conference the country that suffered the greatest losses and costs in the war. He saw the main task of France in, through the maximum weakening of Germany, forever eliminating the danger of her hegemony in Europe and returning France to the role of continental leader, as it was in the recent past. Clemenceau actually advocated the construction of a European order, in which Germany would not only be deprived of the status of a great power, but also come under the complete control of the winners. The opponent of the French prime minister was usually his British counterpart. The leader of the liberal party, D. Lloyd George (56), belonged not only to a different political direction, but also to a younger generation of politicians. Reproaching the French leaders for a purely selfish approach to the problems of a peaceful settlement, Lloyd George defended the traditional line for British politicians to create a continental balance, in the future and with the participation of Germany - although, of course, weakened and controlled by the allies. At the same time, both European powers agreed in an effort to retain and expand the advantages gained during the war, firmly securing for themselves the privileged status of winners in the new system of international relations. A special position in the top three was occupied by US President W. Wilson (62 years old) - an American intellectual, professor, democrat, a staunch supporter of building a post-war international order on the principles of Section I. The Versailles system of international relations in Europe is based on new foundations. At the conference, he represented a young great power claiming world leadership and interested in a radical restructuring of the entire system of international relations. FOR REMEMBER J Wilson sensitively caught new trends in the development of international relations. He consistently defended the ideas of their democratization and legal regulation. He proposed to replace the traditional system of the balance of power, which underlay the pre-war order and proved unable to prevent a world war, by legal norms and provisions binding on all states, while creating a special mechanism for the prevention and peaceful resolution of international conflicts. In essence, Wilson proposed to abandon the principle of balance as the main factor of international stability, replacing it with the principle of collective security based on the formal equality of large and small states and the recognition of the right of nations to self-determination. The most important instrument and guarantor of maintaining the new international order was to become a permanent international organization - the League of Nations, in the work on the creation of which the US President saw the main task of the Paris Conference. On January 25, 1919, he outlined his main ideas on the creation of the League of Nations at one of the first plenary sessions of the conference. In his opinion, the League was called upon to assume the role of the main regulator of international relations. It was supposed to become a universal organization uniting all the states of the world for cooperation, peaceful resolution of conflicts and solidarity opposition to any aggression. Wilson personally headed a special commission for the preparation of the League's Rules, the development of which he attached paramount importance. On April 26, 1919, at the conclusion of the commission's work, the Charter was formally adopted by the conference. Wilson insisted on its inclusion as an integral part of the peace treaties with the powers of the Quadruple Alliance in order to bind the defeated states with its provisions. The Charter of the League of Nations consisted of 26 articles. It contained not only the rules governing the work of the organization, but also the fundamental principles by which all states belonging to the League were to be guided in international affairs. The preamble of the Charter proclaimed the obligations of states in the name of achieving peace and security to build relations with each other on the basis of law, strict observance of international treaties and opposition to war. One of the most important conditions for ensuring international security, the Charter of the League of Nations proclaimed general disarmament. Article 8 declared the need to reduce armaments to the lowest possible level, which would meet the requirements of the national 14 Chapter 1. The Paris Peace Conference. Formation of the Versailles system of state security and their international obligations. All members of the League were obliged to exchange the most complete, reliable information about the levels of their armed forces. Every five years, the League of Nations was to submit updated plans for the reduction of armaments for consideration by its members. The charter provided for and regulated the cooperation of states in the humanitarian fields, in health care, labor legislation, in ensuring freedom of trade, communications, as well as in issues of arms and opium trade in problem regions. Article 10 occupied a special place in the Charter. It contained the principles of mutual guarantees of territorial integrity, sovereignty and collective opposition to aggression. In accordance with Article 11, in the event of a war or its threat, the League of Nations was to resort to any means capable of ensuring peace. REMEMBER j Article 16 defined collective measures of influence on the state that committed the aggression. An attack on any of the League's member states was seen as "an act of war against all other members of the League". All members of the League were to jointly oppose the aggressor, stop trade and financial relations with him, and, by decision of the Council of the League, take part in collective sanctions against him - from economic to military. Article 16 also provided for the possibility of excluding the aggressor state from the organization. Disputes between member states of the League of Nations were to be resolved either by arbitration by a specially created International Tribunal in The Hague, or by the Council of the League or its Assembly. At the same time, the Charter of the League of Nations does not contain the principle of an unconditional prohibition on the use of force. Articles 12 and 15 allowed military action in the event of failure to render an award "within a reasonable time", or in the absence of a specific decision by the Council of the League within six months, or if the Council adopted it unanimously. In these cases, the parties to the conflict were only required to follow a certain procedure and wait three months for efforts to reach a peaceful settlement. The task of the League of Nations was not limited to maintaining the established status quo. Of great importance for the mechanism of regulation of the system of international relations and ensuring its stability was Article 19, which provided for the possibility of reviewing existing treaties if they were in conflict with the new international realities and could become a threat to world peace. 15 Section I. The Versailles System of International Relations in Europe Of fundamental importance in organizing the post-war system of international relations was Article 22, which established a special procedure for governing the former German colonies and the Arab parts of the Ottoman Empire. Based on the highly controversial assertion that the peoples inhabiting these territories had not yet reached the level of development necessary for sovereign existence, the League of Nations, on the basis of special mandates, transferred them to the custody of the victorious countries. At the same time, the League retained formal control over the activities of the Mandatory States, which were obliged to provide it with annual reports on the administration of the territories entrusted to them. All mandated territories were divided into three groups - A, B and C - depending on the assessment of the "degree of development" of the peoples inhabiting them. For each of them, various forms of management were envisaged. The “least developed” were in group C. These were the former German colonies in Southwest Africa and Oceania. They were governed by the laws of the statemandatory - as part of his own territory. Group A included the Arab lands of the Ottoman Empire, and group B included the German colonies in Central Africa. The management of these territories was carried out on the conditions of observance by the countries-mandatory of the equality of rights of all member states of the League of Nations, the prohibition of the slave trade and arms trade, ensuring civil and religious rights population. The German and Turkish inheritance was finally distributed after the Paris Conference. The mandates were divided among themselves by Great Britain with dominions, France, Japan, and Belgium. Great Britain received mandates for Patestina, Tanganyika, part of Togo and Cameroon. Its dominions received: the Union of South Africa - Southwest Africa, Australia - part of the island of New Guinea and the island of Nauru, New Zealand - Western Samoa. France was given mandates for Syria, Lebanon, part of Cameroon and Togo, Belgium was given Rwanda-Burundi, and Japan - the Caroline, Mariana and Marshall Islands. FOR REMEMBER Established under the formal control of the League of Nations, the mandate system did not conflict with the colonial appetites of the victorious powers and, in essence, was their political cover. Nevertheless, the very fact of its organization was one of the first, albeit timid, steps towards the departure from classical colonialism and the recognition of the right of non-European peoples to self-determination. The highest organs of the League of Nations were the Assembly and the Council of the League. The seat of the organization was determined by Geneva. The Assembly met once a year (more frequently in emergencies). Each state is a member of the League 16 "I * W "gai. Chapter 1. The Paris Peace Conference. The Formation of the Versailles System:< >. FLAT G:RO- had one voice. All decisions, with the exception of procedural ones, were to be taken unanimously. In practice, the most important political body of the League was its Council. It was supposed to include the five great powers-winners (USA, France, Great Britain, Japan and Italy) as permanent members, as well as four non-permanent members elected for a three-year term from among the other member states of the League1. The Council was to meet twice a year, and if necessary, more often. An important figure in the organizational structure of the League of Nations, who actually led its daily activities, was the Secretary General. Subsequently, by agreement of Great Britain and France, this post, as well as the post of his deputy, were alternately occupied only by their representatives. This position of these two powers, already permanently represented in the Council of the League, provided ample opportunities for carrying out decisions that were beneficial to them. Particularly strong positions were occupied by Great Britain, which achieved the admission to the League of its five dominions (Australia, Ireland, Canada, New Zealand, the Union of South Africa), as well as India, as a result of which it actually had seven votes in the Assembly. The creation of the first ever international organization for the maintenance of peace and security on the basis of the principles of legal regulation, arbitration and coordination laid down in its Charter, undoubtedly opened a new stage in the development of international relations. Despite the obvious imperfections of the organizational structure, the vagueness and uncertainty of some provisions of its Charter, the League of Nations was associated in the international community great expectations . The number of its members was constantly growing, and by the mid-1920s, 56 states were already represented in it - almost all independent states of Europe, Asia, Africa and Latin America, including former members of the Quadruple Alliance (with the exception of Turkey, which joined the League in 1932). However, the success and effectiveness of the activities of the League of Nations depended primarily on the readiness and ability of its members to put the declared principles into practice. The most important role in this was to be played by the great powers, on whose shoulders, of course, lay the greatest share of responsibility. At the same time, it should be noted that during the interwar period, out of the seven great powers2, two or more of them were permanently absent from the League for various reasons. which, of course, could not but undermine its real opportunities to influence the development of international processes. 1 In 1922 the number of non-permanent members of the Council of the League was increased from four to six, and in 1926 to nine. 2 UK. France. Italy. Germany. Soviet Union. United States, Japan. , -n, " 17 Section I. The Versailles system of international relations in Europe 1.2. The main approaches of the victorious powers to the problems of a peaceful settlement in Europe before the winners in the light of the organization of a new political order in Europe were: the German one and the problem of state-territorial reorganization in Central and Eastern Europe.The solution of the German question was not easy for the three leading powers of the Entente, since there were sharp disagreements between Great Britain, the USA and France.Crushing Germany , they had different ideas of its place in post-war Europe.From the most rigid position was the war-exhausted continental France.She sought to weaken Germany as much as possible economically, politically and militarily, significantly reducing its territory.In addition to the return of Alsace and L Otharingia, the French demanded the rejection of German lands on the left bank of the Rhine and the formation of a buffer Rhine state there. France also advocated the transfer to the Polish state revived on the European map of all the lands previously seized from Poland by Prussia. Only if these requirements were met, in the opinion of the French, could both their own and European security be ensured. France's proposals met with objections from Britain and the United States. The allies accused her of a narrowly national approach to solving the German question that did not meet the common European interests. In the context of the collapse of Austria-Hungary, the uncertainty of further historical fate Russia, against the backdrop of a general national-revolutionary upsurge and Bolshevik propaganda of the ideas of world revolution, the excessive weakening of Germany seemed to them short-sighted and dangerous. Contrary to France, Great Britain and the United States essentially advocated the position of building a new political balance in Europe, taking into account the interests of Germany. As a guarantee of France's security, the Allies proposed the creation of a demilitarized zone along the Franco-Belgian border with Germany, where Allied troops would be introduced for a period of 15 years. In addition, the United States and Great Britain undertook to sign guarantee agreements with France, according to which she would receive their military assistance in the event of a German attack. Violent disputes unfolded on the issue of reparations. The French side, desiring the maximum economic weakening of Germany, sought compensation at its expense for all the damage suffered by the allies in the war, as well as their military costs. Lloyd George and Wilson opposed Germany's excessive reparation obligations, arguing that its economic exhaustion was unprofitable both for the winners themselves and for the world economy as a whole. Definition 18 Chapter 1. The Paris Peace Conference. The formation of the Versailles system was not able to share the amount of reparations acceptable to everyone during the Paris Conference. This issue was referred to a special reparation commission, which was to make its decision by May 1921. The problem of the territorial and state reorganization of Austria-Hungary was inextricably linked with the national movements of its peoples, who proclaimed the formation of independent states at the end of the war. Despite all the efforts of the Western powers to prevent the collapse of the Habsburg Empire, traditionally a strong European center and an important element of the continental balance, they failed to save Austria-Hungary. Therefore, the victorious powers had to undertake a radical restructuring of Central and Eastern Europe. This task was not an easy one. It was very difficult to carry out a territorial-state demarcation in this region on the basis of the national principle due to the large number of regions with a mixed population that had lived in a single state for centuries. At the same time, the winners sought to create zones of their own influence in this extremely geopolitically important part of Europe, where Germany, Russia and Austria-Hungary had previously dominated and competed with each other. The new states formed here and oriented towards the Western powers - Poland, Czechoslovakia, K. The SHS, as well as Romania strengthened by serious territorial gains, were to equally deter both Germany and its potential allies and Russia. A special role in this regard was assigned by the victorious powers to the revived Poland, the definition of whose borders was also a difficult political task. 1.3. Treaty of Versailles Work on peace treaties with Germany and its allies took place in the absence of the defeated states. It was attended mainly by representatives of the "Big Four", who only occasionally invited delegates from interested countries to express their views on specific issues that directly concerned them. Only after the text of the peace treaty with Germany was ready was a German delegation invited to Paris in early May 1919 to familiarize itself with it. The terms of the treaty aroused deep indignation among the Germans. After the refusal of the Entente powers to accept their amendments and objections, the head of the delegation, Foreign Minister U. von Brokdorf-Rantzau, rejected the proposed terms of the peace treaty, saying that his country was essentially required to sign its own death warrant. In response, the Allies issued an ultimatum to Germany threatening to resume hostilities in the event of her repeated refusal to agree to the demands of the victors. In this situation, the German National Assembly, after a heated discussion, decided to accept the ultimatum. June 28, 1919 19 Section I. The Versailles system of international relations in Europe in the mirror hall of the Palace of Versailles, where 48 years ago France recognized its defeat against Prussia and where the Prussian Chancellor O. von Bismarck proclaimed the formation of the German Empire, a solemn signing ceremony took place peace treaty with Germany. All the Entente states represented at the Paris Conference took part in it, with the exception of China, which did not agree with the transfer of German possessions on its territory to Japan. The Treaty of Versailles was a document that determined Germany's new place in post-war Europe. The treaty provided for a significant change in its borders. In the west, she was supposed to return to France her two former provinces - Alsace and East Lorraine, annexed by the Germans after the Franco-Prussian War of 1870-1871. In addition, the Saar region of Germany, bordering France, was transferred for 15 years under the control of the League of Nations, followed by a plebiscite there, designed to resolve the issue of its further nationality. The French also received ownership of the coal mines of the Saar basin. The German-Belgian border has also undergone changes. The areas of Eupen, Malmedy and Morena, populated mainly by Walloons, were transferred to Belgium (in 1920 this decision was confirmed by the results of plebiscites). In the north, after the plebiscite of 1920, the northern part of Schleswig with a predominantly Danish population retreated to Denmark. Germany suffered even more significant losses in the east. Here it is obligated to cede in favor of Poland a significant part of those who went to Prussia under the sections of the Commonwealth in the 18th century. former Polish territories, where at the time of the signing of the treaty, the majority of the population were Poles. On the remaining lands belonging to the Commonwealth with a mixed population - Silesia, Warmia and Mazury - in 1920 and 1921. plebiscites were held, according to the results of which part of these territories, where the Poles were in the majority, also passed to Poland. In addition, she was given a narrow strip of the Baltic coast west of Danzig (Gdansk), which provided her with access to the sea and was called the "Polish corridor". This corridor, inhabited mainly by Germans, cut off East Prussia from the main part of Germany, turning it into an enclave. Two Baltic ports, Danzig (Gdansk) and Memel (Klaipeda), were also torn away from East Prussia, which came under the control of the League of Nations. In 1924, Klaipeda, occupied a year earlier by Lithuanian troops, was transferred to Lithuania by decision of the League. Germany was obliged to recognize all post-war territorial and state changes in Europe and the independence of the new states created here after the war. In addition, she had to renounce the 1918 Treaty of Brest-Litovsk with Soviet Russia and the 1918 Treaty of Bucharest with Romania. German territorial losses were significant. They made up 13.5% of the pre-war territory of the country, where 10.5% of its population lived, 20 Chapter 1. The Paris Peace Conference. The formation of the Versailles system as well as rich deposits of iron ore and coal were located. However, these were not originally German, but first annexed by Prussia and then Germany from the neighbors of the land, most of them not with a German population. Thus, in determining the new German frontiers in the west, north, and east, the victorious powers basically tried to adhere to the national principle. The Allies showed a completely different approach with regard to the southern border of Germany. It did not undergo any changes compared to the pre-war German-Austrian border, with the exception of small concessions in Silesia in favor of Czechoslovakia. The winners did not at all want to allow the unification of European Germans in a single state. Therefore, a separate article of the Versailles Treaty forbade Germany to unite with Austria in any form, including a customs union. Luxembourg, which had such an alliance before the war, had to withdraw from it. Germany was also deprived of all its colonies and overseas possessions. The Treaty of Versailles determined the special status of the western German border. The border regions of the left bank of the Rhine and the 50-kilometer zone along its right bank were subject to demilitarization. Here Germany was forbidden to keep troops and build military fortifications. In addition, Allied troops were stationed on the left bank of the Rhine for a period of 5 to 15 years. The military articles of the treaty provided for the virtually complete disarmament and demilitarization of Germany. The number of its armed forces was not to exceed 100 thousand people, including 4 thousand officers, and the recruitment of the army could be carried out exclusively on a voluntary basis. General military service was abolished. The entire system of military education was also destroyed. Military Academy and General base blossomed. Germany was forbidden to have heavy weapons, tanks, aircraft and submarines. Its naval forces were sharply reduced. She was allowed to have only 6 battleships, 6 light cruisers and 12 destroyers. Control over the implementation of the military articles of the Treaty of Versailles was entrusted to a special inter-allied commission. The states of the Quadruple Alliance were given full responsibility for unleashing the First World War. As a result, they were obliged to pay reparations to the victors in the amounts that the Entente powers had to indicate to them. Due to sharp disagreements between the allies, the total amount of reparations from Germany was not determined by the Treaty of Versailles. At the Paris Conference it was only decided that by 1921 Germany would have to pay the Entente states 20 billion gold marks ($5 billion). In accordance with Article 116 of the Versailles Treaty, Russia also received the right to reparations, whose contribution to the victory the Allies never denied. The Treaty of Versailles also provided for the establishment of the economic control of the victors over Germany. It had to terminate all of its earlier treaties and agreements of an economic nature. Its trade with the powers of the Entente and the countries that joined them was subject to the most favored nation treatment. Germany was forbidden to impose restrictions on the import of any goods. The Elbe, Oder, Neman and Danube rivers, as well as the Kiel Canal, were declared free for international navigation. Germany undertook to provide other states with free transit through its territory and airspace. FOR REMEMBER J The Treaty of Versailles certainly had a repressive character. Its provisions, such as the open western border, the long-term occupation of German lands on the Rhine, harsh and comprehensive military restrictions, the economic dictatorship of the victors, reparation payments, the rupture of state territory in the East, not only undermined Germany's great power positions, but also significantly infringed on her. state sovereignty. The Treaty of Versailles, which ran counter to the democratic principles of a peaceful settlement proclaimed by the victors, in the mass consciousness of the Germans became a symbol of deep injustice and national humiliation, feeding radical nationalist and revanchist sentiments in society. At the same time, the terms of the Treaty of Versailles were the result of a compromise between the leading powers of the Entente. France never managed to convince its allies of the need for a complete weakening and dismemberment of the German state. In Great Britain and the United States, they consciously sought to preserve the foundations for its subsequent restoration as a great power. And although in the end Germany was extremely weakened and placed in a very rigid political framework, it was preserved on the European map as one of the largest and fundamentally important quantities. Simultaneously with the Treaty of Versailles, Great Britain and the United States signed two identical guarantee agreements with France, according to which they were to provide assistance to France in the event of unprovoked aggression by Germany. At the same time, it was specifically stipulated that these treaties could enter into force only if they were ratified by all parties. 1.4. Treaties of Saint Germain, Trianon and Neuilly milestone The Paris Conference was the signing of peace treaties with Austria and Hungary - states that the powers of the Entente considered as successors to the disintegrated Austria-Hungary. Treaties with them were supposed to approve the new 22 Chapter 1. The Paris Peace Conference. Formation of the Versailles system - state-territorial delimitation in Central and Eastern Europe after the collapse of the Habsburg empire. The Republic of Austria was formally proclaimed on November 12, 1918, initially under the name German Austria. Although there were strong sentiments in favor of unification with Germany, Berlin was well aware that the victors would not allow this, and therefore did not support the unifying ideas of the Austrians. In turn, the powers of the Entente not only blocked the very possibility of a German-Austrian unification with a special article of the Treaty of Versailles, but also resolutely demanded that the Austrians change the name of their state, which was done. As a result, the country was named the Republic of Austria. On September 10, 1919, a peace treaty with Austria was signed in the Parisian suburb of Saint-Germain-en-Lo. In accordance with the Treaty of Saint-Germain, the territories densely populated by Austrian Germans in the areas of the Danube and the Alps departed to it, with slight deviations from the ethnic principle for military-strategic reasons in favor of Italy and Czechoslovakia. The attempts of the Austrian representatives to achieve the inclusion in their state of a part of the Sudetenland with a three million German population, which had ceded to Czechoslovakia, were not successful. At the same time, in favor of the Austrians, the issue of transferring to them the region of Burgendland, which was part of the Hungarian part of Austria-Hungary before the war, was resolved. Independent Hungary, unlike Czechoslovakia, was not considered by the victorious powers as their political partner. In the area with a mixed population, disputed with the KShS - Zapadnaya Krajna - it was proposed to determine the border based on the results of a plebiscite1. Austria pledged to recognize all the territorial changes made by the powers of the Entente in Europe, as well as the independence of the newly formed states. A special article of the Treaty of Saint-Germain forbade her any actions aimed at changing her independent status without the consent of the League of Nations (meaning unification with Germany). The military articles of the Treaty of Saint-Germain limited the size of the Austrian army to 30 thousand people. She was forbidden to have heavy weapons and aircraft. The sea and Danube fleets of the former Austria-Hungary were transferred to the powers of the Entente. Strict control of the victors was introduced over the fulfillment of the military articles of the treaty. Decisions regarding reparations were similar to the provisions of the Treaty of Versailles. The right of Russia to reparations from Austria was also stipulated. The peace treaty with Hungary was being prepared in parallel with Saint-Germain. He also had to determine the borders and international status of the Hungarian state. It was assumed that its territory would be reduced 1 Plebiscite in the Western Carniola took place in 1920 and led to the division of this territory between Austria and the KSHS. 23 Section I. The Versailles system of international relations in Europe is three times as compared with that which the Hungarians had within the framework of Austria-Hungary. As a result, a quarter of ethnic Hungarians found themselves outside its borders. The news of these conditions set off a powerful national movement in Hungary, on the wave of which a revolutionary government headed by the communist Bela Kun came to power. In March 1919 the Hungarian Soviet Republic was proclaimed. Parts of the Hungarian Red Army occupied Eastern Slovakia, where in June 1919 the Slovak Soviet Republic was created, declaring the unification with Soviet Hungary. The victorious powers made every effort to eliminate the Soviet regime in Hungary, seeing in it not only a threat to the establishment of a new European order, but also a real danger of the spread of Bolshevism in Europe. By August 1919, the Czechoslovak and Romanian troops, relying on the support of the Entente powers, broke the resistance of the Hungarians. The revolutionary government in Budapest fell, and power passed into the hands of the right-wing forces, headed by Admiral M. Horthy. On June 4, 1920, a few months after the stabilization of the political situation in the country, a peace treaty with Hungary was signed in the Grand Trianon Palace of Versailles. Its main provisions were not much different from the draft proposed by her in the spring of 1919 and taking into account practically all the territorial claims to Hungary of her neighbors, who, with the exception of Austria, were allied countries of the Entente. In accordance with it, Hungary had to abandon Slovakia and Transcarpathian Rus in favor of Czechoslovakia. Transylvania, where the Hungarian population was especially significant, was handed over to Romania, with which the Entente powers signed an agreement in this regard back in 1916. Bukovina, predominantly populated by Ukrainians, also departed from Romania. The territory of the Banat was divided between Romania and the KSHS. The lands of the Croats, Slovenes and Bosniaks passed to the KSHS. Austria received Burgendland. Hungary had to recognize all post-war territorial-state changes in Europe. The military articles of the Treaty of Trianon limited the size of the Hungarian army to 35 thousand people; at the same time, the voluntary principle of its recruitment was envisaged. Tanks, aircraft and heavy weapons were prohibited. The remaining articles of the Treaty of Trianon almost verbatim coincided with similar articles of the Treaty of Saint-Germain. The difficult terms of the Treaty of Trianon imposed by force were perceived by the Hungarian society as absolutely unacceptable and contrary to its vital interests, which predetermined Hungary's negative attitude towards the Versailles order. The peace treaty with Bulgaria was signed on November 27, 1919 in the Paris suburb of Neuilly-sur-Seine. He secured the victory of the Entente in the Balkan Peninsula. Bulgaria's hopes for support from the United States, which favored compromise solution territorial disputes between the Balkans24 Chapter 1. The Paris Peace Conference. The formation of the Versailles system by states, generated by the results of the Second Balkan War of 1913, did not materialize. Under the Treaty of Neuilly, Bulgaria was deprived not only of all its conquests, but also of its pre-war territory. Some of its border areas went to the KSHS. But the most painful for Bulgaria was the decision of the allies to transfer to Greece the very important economically and military-strategic territory of Western Thrace, which meant the loss of its access to the Aegean Sea. The Bulgarian army was disarmed and reduced to 20 thousand people. As reparations, Bulgaria had to pay 2 billion 250 million gold francs in equal installments over 37 years, as well as supply food to Greece, Romania and the KSHS. The Treaty of Neuilly, which seriously undermined Bulgaria's positions in the Balkans, created fertile ground for the growth of revisionist sentiments in that country. 1.5. The Treaty of Sevres and Lausanne The Treaty of Sevres with Turkey, signed on August 10, 1920, was the last peace treaty prepared at the Paris Conference. Work on it was delayed due to heated disputes between the European powers and the United States over the Ottoman inheritance. Ultimately, the terms of the peace treaty were extremely harsh. In accordance with them, the Ottoman Empire was liquidated. The Turkish state that arose on its ruins was deprived not only of all its Arab possessions, but also of a significant part of its ethnic territories. In Europe, the victorious powers left Turkey only the Istanbul area with its suburbs. The rest of the Turkish-populated areas of Eastern Thrace with Adrianople and the eastern coast of the Dardanelles were planned to be transferred to Greece, which, in addition, would receive the city of Smyrna (Izmir) with the surrounding areas in Asia Minor, as well as the islands of Imros and Tenedos. The predominantly Turkish territory of Anatolia in the Asian part of Turkey was also subject to division. Its northeastern part - the ancient Armenian lands - was to go to independent Armenia. Turkish Kurdistan was supposed to be granted autonomous status. A significant part of Turkey was divided into British, French and Italian zones of influence. The Turkish army was reduced to 50 thousand people. She was forbidden to have heavy weapons and aircraft. The navy was handed over to the victorious powers. The zone of the Bosporus and Dardanelles was subject to demilitarization and passed under the control and actual management of the international commission, in which the great powers, as well as the Black Sea states and Greece, after their entry into the League of Nations, were supposed to participate. Free passage of military and civilian ships through the straits was envisaged both in peacetime and in wartime. Full control of the winners was established over the entire financial system of Turkey. The regime of capitulations was restored in the country. He provided 25 Section I. The Versailles system of international relations in Europe looked at the extraterritorial status of foreigners, extending to citizens of all allied states. The Treaty of Sevres, signed on behalf of Sultan Mehmet VI, not only infringed on the sovereignty of Turkey, but essentially reduced it to the position of a semi-colony. He was decisively rejected by the parliament opposed to the Sultan, which in April 1920 formed a national government in Ankara. It was headed by a war hero, General M. Kemal, who came up with a program to create an independent Turkish state within ethnic boundaries. Declaring the Sultan a "prisoner of the infidels", the Kemalists refused to obey his orders and in the fall of 1920 launched military operations against Greece and Armenia for the return of the territories inhabited by Turks. Having defeated the Armenian troops and occupied Kare, the Turks in November 1920 reached the line of the Russian-Turkish border of 1877. According to the Alexandropol Peace Treaty of December 2, 1920, signed by the Kemalists with Dashnak Armenia1, its territory was reduced to the regions of Yerevan and Lake Gokcha ( Sevan), and she actually passed under the protectorate of Turkey. However, this treaty never entered into force due to the active intervention in the Turkish-Armenian conflict of Soviet Russia, with which Kemal established friendly relations and whose military assistance he counted on. Turkey's border with the Transcaucasus was finally determined in the spring of 1921, after the entire Transcaucasus had been occupied by the Red Army and the Soviet power had won there2. Cooperation with Soviet Russia made it possible for the Kemalists, at a critical moment for them, to concentrate all their forces on the western front - against the Greek troops, who launched an offensive against Ankara with the support of the Entente powers. In August-September 1921, in the decisive battle near the Sakarya River, the Greeks suffered a crushing defeat. The victories of the Turkish troops exacerbated the contradictions between the victorious powers. In October 1921, the French signed a separate treaty with the Kemalists, according to which they recognized the government of Ankara de jure and agreed to revise the terms of the Peace of Sevres in favor of Turkey on the basis of the ethnic delimitation of Turkish and Arab territories. After that, the inevitability of a revision of the Treaty of Sèvres was also recognized in London. By September 1922, Turkish troops inflicted a decisive defeat on the Greek army, occupying all of Anatolia. According to the Mudanian truce of October 11, 1922, signed by Turkey with Great Britain, France, Italy and Greece, which joined them, Greek troops were withdrawn from Eastern Thrace. Allied troops temporarily remain only in the Straits until the signing of a new peace treaty with Turkey. "Dashnaktsutyun ("Union") - the ruling party of the Armenian Republic in 1918-1920. On the settlement of border issues between Turkey and the republics of Transcaucasia and the development of Soviet-Turkish relations in 1920-1921, see Chapter 2. 2 26 Chapter 1. Paris peace conference. The formation of the Versailles system FOR REMEMBER) The Treaty of Sevres turned out to be stillborn. Turkey, the only one of the powers of the Quadruple Alliance, with arms in hand was able to achieve a revision of the peace treaty imposed on it by the Entente. The Lausanne Conference, held from November 1922 to July 1923, finally resolved the problem of a peaceful settlement with Turkey. The victorious powers were forced to make significant concessions to it. Turkey's rights to its ethnic territories were restored. As a result, it retained both Eastern Thrace and all of Anatolia, and the question of Kurdish self-determination on Turkish territory was removed Turkish Armenia and Izmir with the suburbs were returned to Turkey, which were to depart, respectively, to Armenia and Greece. The capitulation regime and the privileges of foreigners in Turkey were abolished; liquidation and zones of influence of the victorious powers. In turn, Turkey renounced its rights to the Arab territories, officially recognized the annexation by Great Britain in 1914 of the island of Cyprus and the British protectorate established in the same year over Egypt. Italy received the island of Rhodes, and also secured the Dodecanese Islands, captured by it during the war with the Ottoman Empire in 1911-1912, and the rights to Libya won as a result of the same war. Turkey pledged to pay part of the debts of the Sultan's government; however, the specific amount of payments had yet to be agreed upon. At the Lausanne Conference, a new convention on the regime of the Black Sea straits was also adopted, which, in comparison with the terms of the Treaty of Sèvres, was also softened in favor of Turkey. In accordance with the decisions of the conference, foreign troops were withdrawn from the zone of the straits. It was subject to demilitarization, and Turkey was allowed to have a 12,000-strong garrison only in Istanbul. The regime of the straits, which was based on the British project, provided for the free passage through them of merchant and warships of all states in peacetime. At the same time, non-Black Sea countries could send a navy to the Black Sea, in terms of its tonnage not exceeding the tonnage of the fleet of the strongest Black Sea power. In wartime, only warships of neutral states could pass through the straits. Control over compliance with the Lausanne Convention was entrusted to an international commission created under the auspices of the League of Nations. A delegation of Soviet Russia was invited to participate in the discussion of the convention on the regime of the straits in Lausanne, which also spoke on behalf of two other Black Sea Soviet republics - Ukraine and Georgia. She tried to oppose the British draft convention with her own, which provided for the closure of the straits for the passage of any warships, both in peacetime and in wartime, as well as the complete restoration of the right of the Turks to strengthen and defend the strait zone. However, all participants in the conference, including Turkey, whose support Moscow counted on, rejected the Soviet proposals. Considering the convention as a bargaining chip in resolving the much more important issue of a peace treaty, the Turkish side ultimately supported the British project. As a result, the Soviet delegation was unable to exert a serious influence on the development of the decisions of the conference. Therefore, despite the fact that the representative of the USSR signed the Lausanne Convention, due to objections from the left wing in the Politburo of the Central Committee of the RCP (b), it was subsequently never ratified. At the same time, the Soviet Union actually complied with the provisions of the Lausanne Convention, since it imposed certain restrictions on the military presence in the Black Sea of ​​the navies of non-Black Sea countries and enabled the resurgent Soviet Black Sea Fleet to freely pass through the straits to the Mediterranean Sea. The Lausanne Peace Treaty with Turkey basically completed the process of post-war peace settlement in Europe and the creation of the foundations of a new European system of international relations. 1.6. Final Territorial Settlement in Eastern Europe Towards the end of 1919, a year after the opening of the Paris Conference, organizational changes took place in its work. After Wilson's departure from Paris in June 1919, and in view of the refusal of the US Senate in November 1919 to ratify the Treaty of Versailles, American representatives ceased to take an active part in the meetings of the conference. Already in their absence, the Supreme Council of the Entente and the Council of Five decided to create a new working body, designed not only to bring the peace conference to a successful conclusion, but also to subsequently contribute to the resolution of pressing international problems. This body was the Conference of Ambassadors of the four victorious powers - Great Britain, France, Italy and Japan, which met in Paris. The US Ambassador also took part in its work, but only as an observer. After the official closing of the Paris Forum, the Conference of Ambassadors continued its activities until 1931. Its influence on political decision-making was so great that it often replaced the highest international body - the League of Nations. The five peace treaties of the Entente states with the powers of the Quadruple Alliance, which laid the foundation for the Versailles system of international relations, became part of the complex process of creating a new European order. In particular, border disputes between states that belonged to the camp of winners remained unresolved. Sometimes these disputes became so acute that it came to military clashes. 28 Chapter 1. The Paris Peace Conference. Formation of the Versailles system One such territorial conflict was the Polish-Czechoslovak dispute over Cieszyn Silesia, an area with an ethnically mixed population. In July 1920, the Conference of Ambassadors, taking advantage of the difficult situation in Poland at the height of the Soviet-Polish war,1 obtained concessions from the Poles on this issue. As a result, the Teshin region was transferred to Czechoslovakia. No less acute was the question of belonging to Eastern Galicia - the former Austrian territory populated mainly by Ukrainians, among whom there were strong sentiments in favor of self-determination. In October 1918, the West Ukrainian People's Republic (ZUNR) was proclaimed here, and in January 1919 its reunification with the Ukrainian People's Republic headed by S. Petlyura was announced. Poland strongly opposed the unification of Ukraine, which led in 1919 to Polish-Ukrainian armed clashes in Eastern Galicia. The arbitration of this problem by the Western powers was hampered by the uncertainty of the results of the Civil War in Russia and the ambiguity in the light of this of the fate of Ukraine. Therefore, the Allies proposed an interim solution, according to which Poland received a mandate for a 25-year administration of Eastern Galicia, subject to ensuring its autonomy. Such a decision did not suit either the Poles or the Ukrainians and never entered into force. The question of belonging to Eastern Galicia remained open and in 1922, after the end of the Soviet-Polish war, it was resolved by the League of Nations in favor of Poland. The victorious powers spent a lot of effort on resolving the issue of ownership of the Yugoslav territories on the eastern coast of the Adriatic Sea, which were previously part of Austria-Hungary. They were simultaneously claimed by Italy and the KSHS. The Italians firmly insisted on the fulfillment of the secret treaty of 1915 on the conditions for their entry into the war, according to which these territories were to pass to them after victory. However, during the Paris Peace Conference, the United States, not bound by this treaty, as well as France, supported Belgrade's demands for recognition of these lands, inhabited mainly by South Slavs, for the KSHS. As a result, Italy, despite all the efforts of its delegation, did not receive the regions of Istria, Dalmatia, the city of Rijeka (Fiume), and Albania as a zone of influence on the Balkan Peninsula. The issues of recognizing the islands of the Dodecanese archipelago and the island of Rhodes inhabited by Greeks, as well as transferring the territory of Jubaland in East Africa to it, were not resolved in its favor. FOR REMEMBER J The decisions of the Paris Conference aroused deep dissatisfaction in Italy, extremely weakened by the war. The myth of the so-called "trimmed victory", essentially tantamount to defeat, and vain sacrifices has gained wide popularity here. On the Soviet-Polish war, see Chapter 2. 29 Section I. The Versailles System of International Relations in Europe In 1919, bilateral Italo-Yugoslav negotiations began on territorial issues. Both Belgrade and Rome were adamant, so the negotiations were very difficult. It was not until November 1920 that an agreement on territorial delimitation between Italy and the KSHS was finally signed in Rapallo. He satisfied most of the demands of a stronger Italy, which received most of the former Austrian Adriatic coast, as stipulated by the 1915 treaty - Trieste, Istria, part of the Western Carniola and the port of Zadar. Occupied by Italian troops, but not mentioned in the contract, the port of Rijeka (Fiume) received the status of a free city under the control of the League of Nations. However, later, in January 1924, it was transferred to Italy, after which the border between the two states was finally determined. Among the acute issues of territorial settlement in the Balkans was the Albanian problem. Territorial claims to Albania, whose independence was internationally recognized in 1913 after the First Balkan War, were put forward by Greece and Italy. In July 1919, they concluded an agreement between themselves on mutual support in the Albanian issue, but they did not succeed in achieving their goal due to the determined resistance of the Albanians, who managed to defend their borders. In November 1921, the Conference of Ambassadors decided to confirm the borders of the Albanian state as they were in 1913. The new post-war borders, approved by the decisions of the Paris Peace Conference and the Conference of Ambassadors, were carried out without the participation of Russia. At the same time, the powers understood that they were not in a position to create a stable international order by completely ignoring Russian interests. It was obvious that the final European territorial-state settlement was possible only after the stabilization of the situation in Russia and the end of the Civil War there, the outcome of which was to ultimately determine its political face and place in the post-war system of international relations. Therefore, the victorious powers tried to show a generally cautious approach regarding the definition of the eastern Polish and Romanian borders. In December 1919, the Supreme Council of the Entente, despite the dissatisfaction of the Poles, proposed to determine the eastern border of Poland based on the ethnic principle. It was supposed to pass along the line of the Bug River, west of the cities of Grodno, Brest and east of Przemysl to the Carpathians. A cautious approach was also demonstrated by the victorious powers with regard to the eastern border of Romania, which in January 1918 occupied Bessarabia, which belonged to Russia. Great Britain, France, Italy and Japan agreed to recognize Romania's rights to Bessarabia only in October 1920, after the end of the Soviet-Polish war1. The independence of the three Baltic republics - Latvia, Lithuania and Estonia - was de facto recognized by the Entente powers in 1919. However, they were also in no hurry with their de jure recognition. 1 30 For details on the Bessarabian Protocol, see chapters) 2. Chapter 1. The Paris Peace Conference. Formation of the Versailles system 1.7. Return of the United States to isolationist positions The active role of the United States in world politics at the final stage of the war and in the peace process contributed to the growth of interest in international affairs in broad American public and political circles. Foreign policy problems became the subject of a heated discussion, during which V. Wilson was subjected to ever-increasing criticism. His main opponents - the Republicans - accused the president of an unreasonable break with American traditions in foreign policy and a departure from the doctrine of non-intervention in European affairs to the detriment of US national interests. The influence of Wilson's opponents grew rapidly. Already at the end of 1918, the Republicans, who had a majority in the Senate, won the elections to the House of Representatives and established control over both houses of the US Congress. The decisions of the Paris Conference provoked a new wave of criticism from the republican opposition. Wilson was reproached for making excessive concessions in favor of the Entente powers, and criticized for signing a guarantee agreement with France. Acute dissatisfaction in the United States was also caused by the president's consent to the transfer of German possessions in China and the Pacific to Japan. The Republicans resolutely refused to accept the very idea of ​​creating the League of Nations, declaring that under no circumstances would they allow the rights of Congress to be limited in international affairs and the dependence of US foreign policy on a supranational body. The Wilson administration was unable to overcome fundamental differences with the Republicans. The process of searching for a compromise in Congress, which lasted for several months, did not give positive results. Therefore, the draft resolution on the ratification of the Treaty of Versailles, despite numerous amendments made to it, did not receive the support of the majority in the Senate. FOR REMEMBER J By refusing to ratify the Treaty of Versailles, the Senate also blocked the entry of the United States into the League of Nations. Upon learning of the results of the vote, Wilson said bitterly: “We had a chance to achieve world leadership. We have lost this chance." In the November 1920 presidential election, the Democrats suffered a crushing defeat. The Republicans came to power in the United States. New president W. Harding, who was conducting an election campaign with a program of returning foreign policy to the traditions of isolationism, said that the United States did not want to take part in guiding the destinies of the world. This is the line the Republicans will steadfastly adhere to over the next 12 years in office. 1 Ambrosius Lloyd E. Wilsonianism: Woodrow Wilson and his legacy in American foreign relations. N.Y., 2002. P. 17. 31 Section I. The Versailles system of international relations in Europe 1.8. The Versailles System for Memory^) The new European order created by the victors after the war was called the Versailles System of International Relations. It differed significantly from the pre-war one, the basis of which was the balance in the four great continental powers - Germany, Austria-Hungary, France and Russia, while Great Britain played the role of a balancer. War and revolution destroyed this political construction, radically changing the balance of power in Europe. Germany was defeated. Austria-Hungary ceased to exist. Russia, having fallen out of the coalition of victors, was engulfed in revolutionary turmoil. The political map of Europe has also changed radically. The collapse of three empires - German, Russian and Austro-Hungarian - led to the emergence of nine new states on it - Austria, Hungary, KSHS (later - Yugoslavia), Poland, Czechoslovakia, Finland, Latvia, Lithuania, Estonia. Summing up the results of the war and starting to create a new European political system , the victorious powers did not take the path of restoring continental balance. On the contrary, the five peace treaties imposed by force on the defeated states were of a pronounced repressive nature and were intended to consolidate the Franco-British predominance in Europe for the longest possible period. The decisions of the Paris Conference on the Territorial and State Structure of Central and Eastern Europe were, in essence, subordinated to the same goal. Although the collapse of Austria-Hungary took place against the wishes of the Entente powers, it was they who took control of this process. When defining the borders of the new states, the victors were guided primarily by their own geopolitical and military-strategic goals, which often conflicted with the interests of the peoples whose destinies they controlled. Having set out to weaken Germany as much as possible, the Allies achieved, in essence, the opposite result. Geopolitically, it won rather than lost. On its eastern and southern borders, instead of Russia and Austria-Hungary, there were now relatively weak states - Poland and Czechoslovakia. They included significant German minorities who, along with the Austrian Germans, sought to reunite with Germany. In this regard, Lloyd George wrote to Wilson in March 1919 with dismay that he "could not imagine a more weighty reason for a future war." Cit. Cited from: Kissinger G. Diplomacy. M. 199". P. 214. 32 Chapter 1. The Paris Peace Conference. The Formation of the Versailles System Having discarded the principle of continental equilibrium, the victorious powers expected to replace it with a global equilibrium. The decisive guarantee of the strength of the Versailles system, as well as the world international order as a whole, should the coordinated actions of at least three leading states of the Entente - Great Britain, France and the United States, supported by a system of collective security and solidarity sanctions provided for by the Charter of the League of Nations. However, the refusal of the United States from the role of guarantor of the post-war world and European order undermined its very foundations. Now the main responsibility for international stability fell on the shoulders of Great Britain and France. However, their political weight and influence was not enough to solve this difficult task. The League of Nations was also directly dependent on the support of the leading powers of the world. Its activities, not supported by their combined power and authority, could not but to be truly efficient. A serious obstacle to creating the necessary guarantees of the strength of the Versailles system was the sharp British-French contradictions, which did not allow the two powers of the Entente to unite to pursue a coordinated European policy. Great Britain did not want to move away from the traditional role of a continental balancer and did not wish, without the United States, to unilaterally ratify the security guarantee treaty it had signed with France earlier. In view of this, it was decided in Paris to start creating in Europe its own system of military-political alliances, which later received the name "rear alliances". With their help, the French hoped to strengthen the Versailles system from the inside, neutralizing the threats both from Germany and other defeated states, and from Soviet Russia, which remained outside the framework of the post-war settlement and was hostile to the victors. In 1920, the Franco-Belgian, and in 1921, the Franco-Polish defensive treaties were signed. In 1921 - 1922 with the active assistance of France, Czechoslovakia, Romania and Yugoslavia created a military-political bloc - the Matu Entente, directed against possible aggression from Hungary and Bulgaria. In March 1921, Romania and Poland signed a defensive treaty to protect their eastern borders against Soviet Russia. Having embarked on the path of forceful regulation of the Versailles system, France essentially sought to build a new continental order, the instruments for maintaining which, in addition to the restrictive articles of peace treaties and mechanisms of international regulation under the auspices of the League of Nations, were supposed to be military-political alliances closed on it, designed to contain " anti-Versatian states. Nevertheless, France alone could not cope with the role of European leader. She needed a strong continental ally, in the role of which only Italy, which was part of the group of leading victorious powers and occupied the position of a permanent member of the Council of the League, could act. However, the internal political changes that took place in this country in the early 1920s left no room for creating a lasting Italian-French alliance. In October 1922, in the wake of nationalist sentiments generated by the results of the First World War, the fascists led by B. Mussolini came to power in Rome. Acting under the flag of the struggle for Italy to acquire a genuine great power and equal political status with France, Mussolini's regime could not become her reliable partner in maintaining the post-war order. The ever-growing appetites of fascist Italy shattered the Versailles system of international relations, and the very ideology of fascism came into conflict with the democratic principles laid down in its foundation. for REMEMBER! Thus, the balance of power that had developed on the continent by the early 1920s did not correspond to the political structure that the victorious powers were building in Paris. They failed to create a truly stable political order in Europe. A significant group of European states, including the two largest continental powers - Germany and Soviet Russia, as well as Italy, which belonged to the camp of the winners, were dissatisfied with the post-war settlement, making the struggle for its revision a cornerstone of their foreign policy. The main flaw of the Versailles system - non-equilibrium - predetermined the need for its serious modification in the very near future. Literature Basic Dictionary Dictionary: In 3 volumes, 4th ed., revised. and additional / Ch. ed. A. A. Gromyko and others. Moscow: Nauka. 1984-1986. results of the imperialist war. A series of peace treaties / Ed. Yu. V. Klyuchnikov and A. V. Sabanin. 1. Treaty of Versailles. II. Treaty of Saint Germain. III. Peace in Neuilly. IV. Trianon peace treaty. V. Sevres peace treaty and acts signed in Lausanne. M.: NKID. 1925-1927. World wars of the XX century: In 4 books. Book. 2. World War I: Documents and materials / RAS. Institute of General History: Responsible. ed. V. K. Shatsillo. M.: Nauka, 2002. Doc. No. 305-309. Systematic history of international relations in four volumes. events and documents. 1918-2000 / Responsible. ed. A. D. Bogaturov. Volume one. Developments. 1918-1945. M.: Mosk. worker, 2000. Ch. 2. Systematic history of international relations in four volumes. events and documents. 1918-2000 / Responsible. ed. A. D. Bogaturoz. Volume two. Documents of the 1910-1940s / Comp. A. V. Malgin. M.: Mosk. worker. 2000. Doc. No. 22-26, 51. 34 Chapter 1. The Paris Peace Conference. Formation of the Versailles System Additional Kissinger G. Diplomacy / Translated from English. M.: Ladomir, 1997. Ch. 9. Churchill W. World crisis. Autobiography. Speeches / Per. from English. M.: Eksmo, 2003. Ch. 7-8, 10-11. Shatsil.yu V.K. President V. Wilson: From Mediation to War // Modern and Contemporary History. 1993. No. 6. S. 69-86. Sharp A. Versailles Settlement: Peacemaking in 1919. N.Y.: St. Martin "s Press, 1991. CHAPTER 2 FORMATION OF THE FOREIGN POLICY OF SOVIET RUSSIA. GENOA CONFERENCE 2.1. The Doctrine of the World Revolution. Creation of the Comintern The October Revolution of 1917 led to a radical revision of Russian foreign policy. part of which was faith in the coming world socialist revolution. It was based on the political economic analysis of capitalist society undertaken by Marx and Engels as early as the 19th century. The founders of Marxism viewed the socialist revolution as an objective historical pattern , the only way to resolve the internal contradictions of capitalism and the subsequent transition of mankind to a just and perfect social system - first socialism, and then its highest stage - communism. According to the forecast of the Marxist classics, the revolution was to take place simultaneously in the advanced countries of Europe most prepared for it, and then to embrace other states of the world that lagged behind them in development. During the First World War, Lenin made significant changes to this theoretical scheme. He proceeded from the fact that capitalism at the turn of the XIX-XX centuries. entered the "highest and last stage" of its historical existence - imperialism, which was distinguished by the growing uneven socio-economic and political development of individual states. The war sharply sharpened all the contradictions of capitalism and hastened the revolutionary explosion. As a result, the socialist revolution, according to Lenin, could take place - initially in a few or even in one, separately taken ... country ”- perhaps not the most advanced, but in one where the contradictions of capitalism were most acute. This "weak link" in the world capitalist system could well be Russia. 36 Chapter 2. Formation of the foreign policy of Soviet Russia. Genoa Conference 2 FOR REMEMBER) h U The Bolsheviks considered the October Revolution as an event of not only national but also global significance, which marked the beginning of the transition to communism for all mankind. From the first days of being in power, they were looking forward to revolutions in the countries of Europe. Lenin and his like-minded people were convinced that they would not be alone for long and they needed to hold out in power for only a few weeks, in extreme cases - months, before the help of the European proletariat arrived in time. “We started our business solely with the expectation of a world revolution ... All our hopes for the final victory of socialism are based on this certainty and on this scientific foresight.” The Russian communists pinned special hopes on Germany, which they considered the most prepared of all European countries for the transition to socialism. "Soviet Russia, united with Soviet Germany," Trotsky dreamed, "would immediately be stronger than all the capitalist states put together." The Soviet embassy headed by A. A. Ioffe, which operated in Berlin after the conclusion of the Brest Peace, provided generous assistance to the German left, secretly bought weapons for them and financed the newspapers they published. However, contrary to Moscow's calculations, the November resolution of 1918 in Germany did not develop into a socialist revolution. An attempt by the German communists in January 1919. to raise an armed uprising in Berlin and seize power ended in failure, and their leaders Karl Liebknecht and Rosa Luxembourg were killed. In January 1919, the Soviet Republic was proclaimed in Bremen, and in April of the same year - in Bavaria, but they lasted only about a month, after which they were defeated by government troops. The Soviet republics created in Hungary (March-August 1919) and Slovakia (April-June 1919) were also destroyed. The defeat of the European revolutionaries did not shake the confidence of the Bolshevik leaders in their historical rightness. They were convinced that Europe, which was more developed in socio-economic terms, according to objective indicators, to a much greater extent than Russia, was ripe for a socialist revolution, and only subjective factors hindered its beginning - first of all, the absence of strong communist parties and the betrayal of the revolutionary cause of the socialist revolution. democratic parties in Europe. Therefore, immediately after the end of the First World War, Lenin set the task of creating and organizing the world communist movement as a left-wing alternative to social democracy. To this end, an international congress was convened in Moscow in March 1919, at which the creation of the Third, Communist International1 was proclaimed. The Comintern was conceived and created as a world party of communists, called upon to prepare and lead the international socialist revolution, to carry out on a world scale the work begun by the Bolsheviks in Russia. Being a centralized international organization, the Comintern consisted of "national sections" - the communist parties of individual countries. In 1920, at the Second Congress, “21 conditions for admission to the Comintern” were adopted, which made it impossible for the Social Democrats to join it, which stipulated that all communist parties were obliged to unquestioningly comply with the decisions of the governing bodies of the Comintern, create underground organizations, and conduct illegal work against governments of their countries and prepare for their violent overthrow, as well as to provide all possible assistance to Soviet Russia. The program documents of the Comintern rejected the very possibility of a peaceful transition from capitalism to socialism and argued that such a transition should take place exclusively through civil war. The supreme body of the Comintern was periodically held congresses (congresses), but in practice, all its work was directed by the Executive Committee, headed by the chairman (G.E. Zinoviev, a member of the Politburo of the Central Committee of the RCP (b), was elected to this post). Since its inception, this international organization has been directly dependent on the leadership of the RCP(b). Through the channels of the Comintern, the communist parties received solid financial assistance from Moscow, as well as ideological and political directives that were obligatory for implementation. The governing bodies of the Third International and its apparatus were located in the Soviet capital, and cadres of professional revolutionaries for foreign communist parties were trained. The ideology and organizational structure of the Comintern was based on the principle of internationalism, which assumed that communists throughout the world were obliged to put the interests of the socialist revolution above the national interests of their states. ^ ^ "He is not a socialist who does not sacrifice his fatherland for the triumph of the social revolution". V. I. Lenin "The interests of socialism, the interests of world socialism are higher than the interests of the national, higher than the interests of the state." VI Lenin 1 The First International was created in 1864 by K. Marx and the leaders of French and British workers' organizations. In 1872 it was dissolved due to irreconcilable contradictions between the Marxists and the anarchists-Bakuninists. The Second International was created in 1889 as an international association of independent workers' parties. It actually ceased to exist in 1914 with the outbreak of the First World War, when the deputies of the Social Democratic parties voted in parliaments for war loans, thereby abandoning the principle of "proletarian internationalism" in the name of protecting their own fatherlands. 38 Chapter 2. Formation of the foreign policy of Soviet Russia. The Genoa Conference of the Comintern's strategy, developed under the leadership of the RCP(b), was of an active offensive nature. In the resolution of his First Congress, the task was set "to fight by all means, even by force of arms, for the overthrow of the international bourgeoisie and the creation of an international Soviet republic." “Civil war throughout the world has been put on the order of the day,” the manifesto of the Second Congress emphasized. “Its banner is Soviet power.” Soviet Russia was given the role of inspirer and organizer of the world revolutionary process. It was supposed to provide every possible assistance to foreign communist parties, as well as to anti-imperialist national liberation movements, up to the "export" of the revolution to other countries on the bayonets of the Red Army. Even before the October Revolution, Lenin predicted that "the victorious proletariat ... will, if necessary, even with military force against the exploiting classes and their states." On his initiative, the 7th Congress of the RCP(b), convened in April 1918 to discuss the Brest Treaty, adopted a secret resolution "On War and Peace", which stated: "The socialist proletariat of Russia will ... with all means at its disposal support fraternal revolutionary movement proletariat of all countries. The congress authorized the Central Committee of the party "at any moment to break all peace treaties with the imperialist and bourgeois states, as well as to declare war on them." - FOR REMEMBER) Lenin and his party proceeded from the fact that the long existence of the Soviet state in a hostile and superior “capitalist encirclement” was impossible, since the imperialist powers would sooner or later unite and destroy the Soviet power, which posed a mortal threat to them. The victory of socialism in Russia was considered incomplete as long as the capitalist system was preserved in the rest of the world. “Our victory,” Lenin emphasized, “will be a lasting victory only when our cause wins over the whole world.” Therefore, the world revolution was not an abstract concept for the Bolsheviks, but an urgent practical necessity, an indispensable condition for their political survival and retention of power in Russia. The desire inherent in Bolshevism for a civilizational reorganization of the life of other countries and peoples on the basis of the communist doctrine was also reflected in the foreign policy of the Soviet state, which became a fundamentally new phenomenon in international relations. . "Although the First World War did not develop, as the Bolsheviks predicted, into a pan-European civil war of the proletariat against the bourgeoisie, the socio-economic situation not only in the defeated states of the Quadruple Alliance, but also in the countries of the Entente remained very difficult. 39 Section I. Versailles system of international relations in Europe Under these conditions, communist ideas in their radical Leninist interpretation had an undeniable attractive force and found many sincere supporters outside of Russia.Already in 1919-1921, communist parties were created in the leading countries of Europe - Germany, France, Italy, Great Britain, as well as in China, Japan, the USA and a number of other countries of the world; while the German, French, Italian and Chinese Communist Parties soon turned into massive and influential political parties.

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    Volume 2. The Interwar Period and World War II.

The textbook is devoted to the history of international relations and the foreign policy of the Soviet state in the period between the two world wars and during the Second World War. The international political process in the interwar twenty years (1919-1939) is considered as the history of the formation, evolution and subsequent collapse of the Versailles-Washington system - the first global international order created by the Entente powers after the First World War. Separate sections of the book from the standpoint of a systematic approach cover the history of international relations in Europe, the Asia-Pacific region, as well as in the Middle East and Latin America. The activities of the League of Nations and the main international conferences of the interwar years - Paris, Genoa, Lausanne, Locarno, Munich - are analyzed in detail. The section on World War II focuses on the Nazi aggression in Europe and Soviet-German relations in September 1939-June 1941, the formation and strengthening of the anti-Hitler coalition in 1941-1943, as well as the decisions taken by the Soviet Union, US and UK at conferences in Tehran, Yalta and Potsdam.
For university students.

Treaty of Versailles.
Work on peace treaties with Germany and its allies took place in the absence of the defeated states. It was attended mainly by representatives of the "Big Four", who only occasionally invited delegates from interested countries to express their views on specific issues that directly concerned them. Only after the text of the peace treaty with Germany was ready was a German delegation invited to Paris in early May 1919 to familiarize itself with it. The terms of the treaty aroused deep indignation among the Germans. After the refusal of the Entente powers to accept their amendments and objections, the head of the delegation, Foreign Minister U. von Brokdorf-Rantzau, rejected the proposed terms of the peace treaty, saying that his country was essentially required to sign its own death warrant.

In response, the Allies issued an ultimatum to Germany threatening to resume hostilities in the event of her repeated refusal to agree to the demands of the victors. In this situation, the German National Assembly, after a heated discussion, decided to accept the ultimatum. On June 28, 1919, in the mirror hall of the Palace of Versailles, where 48 years ago France recognized its defeat from Prussia and where the Prussian Chancellor O. von Bismarck proclaimed the formation of the German Empire, a solemn ceremony of signing a peace treaty with Germany took place. All the Entente states represented at the Paris Conference took part in it, with the exception of China, which did not agree with the transfer of German possessions on its territory to Japan.

Content
Foreword
Section I THE VERSAILLES SYSTEM OF INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS IN EUROPE
Chapter 1.
PARIS PEACE CONFERENCE. FORMATION OF THE VERSAILLES SYSTEM
1.1. Beginning of the Paris Peace Conference. Creation of the League of Nations
1.2. The main approaches of the victorious powers to the problems of a peaceful settlement in Europe
1.3. Treaty of Versailles
1.4. Treaties of Saint Germain, Trianon and Neuilly
1.5. Treaties of Sevres and Lausanne
1.6. Final territorial settlement in Eastern Europe
1.7. The return of the United States to the position of isolationism
1.8. Versailles system
Chapter 2
FORMATION OF THE FOREIGN POLICY OF SOVIET RUSSIA. GENOA CONFERENCE
2.1. The Doctrine of the World Revolution. Creation of the Comintern
2.2. "Russian Question" at the Paris Peace Conference. Mission Bullitt
2.3. The victory of the Bolsheviks in the civil war and the end of the intervention of the Entente countries
2.4. Sovietization of the Caucasus. Soviet-Turkish relations
2.5. Establishment of diplomatic relations between Soviet Russia and the Baltic countries
2.6. Soviet-Polish war of 1920. Peace of Riga
2.7. Bessarabian protocol
2.8. Formation of the principle of peaceful coexistence in Soviet foreign policy
2.9. Preparations for the Genoa Conference
2.10. Beginning of the Genoa Conference. Negotiations at Villa Albertis
2.11. Treaty of Rapallo between Soviet Russia and Germany
2.12. The final stage of the Genoa Conference
2.13. The Hague Conference. Outcomes of negotiations in Genoa and The Hague
Chapter 3
INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS IN EUROPE IN 1923-1925 LOCARNO CONFERENCE
3.1. Franco-Belgian occupation of the Ruhr and its aftermath
3.2. "The Dawes Plan"
3.3. Geneva Protocol
3.4. "The strip of confessions of the USSR"
3.5. Preparation of the warranty pact
3.6. Locarno Conference and its decisions
Chapter 4
POST LOCARNS PERIOD OF POLITICAL STABILIZATION IN EUROPE
4.1. International implications of the Locarno Accords
4.2. USSR and the Locarno Process
4.3. Soviet-German non-aggression and neutrality pact
4.4. The course of the USSR towards the conclusion of bilateral treaties on neutrality and non-aggression
4.5. Soviet-French relations
4.6. Rupture of Soviet-British relations
4.7. "European detente" and Soviet foreign policy
4.8. Disarmament problems in the second half of the 1920s
4.9. "Briand-Kellogg Pact"
4.10. Young's Plan. Pan-European unification project
4.11. Growing international tension at the turn of the 1920-1930s
4.12. Geneva Conference on Arms Reduction and Limitation
4.13. The conclusion by the Soviet Union of non-aggression pacts with France and the neighboring states of Europe
Chapter 5
INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS IN EUROPE IN 1933-1935 THE CRISIS OF THE VERSAILLES SYSTEM
5.1. Establishment of the Nazi dictatorship in Germany. Foreign policy program of the National Socialists
5.2. Convention on the Definition of Aggression
5.3. "Pact of Four"
5.4. Soviet-Italian treaty of friendship, non-aggression and neutrality
5.5. Soviet-French rapprochement
5.6. German-Polish declaration
5.7. Soviet-French negotiations on the Eastern Pact
5.8. The second "streak of confessions" of the Soviet state. The entry of the USSR into the League of Nations
5.9. Continuation of the Soviet-French negotiations after the assassination of Barthou. Geneva Protocol
5.10. First Anschluss of Austria. Franco-Italian rapprochement
5.11. Hitler's course towards the final rejection of the Treaty of Versailles and the reaction of the Western powers. Conference in Stresa
5.12. The conclusion of the Soviet-French and Soviet-Czechoslovak mutual assistance treaties
5.13. VII Congress of the Comintern
Chapter 6
INCREASING MILITARY THREAT IN EUROPE IN 1935-1937 POLICY OF PACIFICATION
6.1. Anglo-German Naval Agreement
6.2. Italian attack on Ethiopia. Crisis of the League of Nations
6.3. The failure of the "Laval-Hore plan"
6.4. Austro-German agreement 1936
6.5. Remilitarization of the Rhineland
6.6. Conference in Montreux
6.7. Problems of the conclusion by the Soviet Union of a mutual assistance treaty with Romania and a military convention with France
6.8. Civil War in Spain. Non-interference policy in Spanish affairs
6.9. Formation of a bloc of aggressive states
6.10. International consequences and outcome of the war in Spain
6.11. Appeasement policy of Nazi Germany
6.12. Negotiations E. Halifax with Hitler
Chapter 7
INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS IN EUROPE IN 1938 MUNICH CONFERENCE
7.1. Anschluss of Austria
7.2. Czechoslovak crisis
7.3. Chamberlain's talks with Hitler at Berchtesgaden and Bad Godesberg
7.4. Munich conference and its decisions
7.5. Soviet Union and the Czechoslovak Crisis
7.6. International implications of the Munich Agreement. The collapse of the Versailles system
Chapter 8
THE PRE-WAR POLITICAL CRISIS OF 1939
8.1. German occupation of Czechoslovakia
8.2. Anglo-French guarantee policy
8.3. Changes in foreign policy and foreign policy department of the USSR
8.4. Beginning of Anglo-French-Soviet negotiations
8.5. Reducing tensions in German-Soviet relations
8.6. German-Italian alliance ("Pact of Steel")
8.7. Anglo-French-Soviet political negotiations
8.8. Secret Anglo-German negotiations
8.9. Germany's initiative to normalize relations with the USSR
8.10. Anglo-French-Soviet military negotiations
8.11. Non-aggression pact between the USSR and Germany and a secret additional protocol
8.12. International Significance and Consequences of the Soviet-German Agreements
Section II WASHINGTON SYSTEM OF INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS IN THE APR
Chapter 9
INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS IN THE APR. THE FORMATION OF THE WASHINGTON SYSTEM
9.1. The alignment of forces in the Asia-Pacific region on the eve and during the war. Formation of the regional system of international relations
9.2. The Far Eastern Question at the Paris Peace Conference
9.3. Exacerbation of Japanese-American contradictions
9.4. Soviet policy in the Far East during the Civil War. Creation of the Far Eastern Republic
9.5. Soviet policy in Mongolia
9.6. Washington Conference and its decisions. Treaties of four, five and nine powers
9.7. Washington system
Chapter 10
INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS IN THE APR IN 1922-1930
10.1. The end of the Japanese intervention and the inclusion of the Far Eastern Republic in the Soviet Russia
10.2. Settlement of Soviet-Chinese relations. Cooperation between the USSR and the Kuomintang
10.3. Normalization of relations between the USSR and Japan
10.4. National revolution in China and its impact on international relations. The role of the USSR and the Comintern in the Chinese revolution
10.5. Stabilization of the Washington System in the second half of the 1920s
10.6. Soviet-Chinese conflict on the CER
Chapter 11
INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS IN THE APR IN THE 1930s. THE COLLAPSE OF THE WASHINGTON SYSTEM
11.1. Japan's transition to an aggressive policy
11.2. Japanese aggression in Manchuria. Crisis of the Washington System
11.3. Events in Manchuria and the position of the USSR
11.4. Report of the Lytton Commission. Japan's withdrawal from the League of Nations
11.5. Normalization of Soviet-Chinese relations
11.6. Establishment of diplomatic relations between the USSR and the USA
11.7. Soviet-Japanese relations. Sale of CER
11.8. Deepening the crisis of the Washington system. Anti-Comintern Pact
11.9. US neutrality laws
11.10. Relations of the USSR with China and the MPR
11.11. Beginning of the Sino-Japanese War. The collapse of the Washington system
11.12. Soviet-Chinese non-aggression pact of 1937 Soviet military assistance to China
11.13. Continuation of the Japanese-Chinese war in 1938-1939. "Arita-Craigie Agreement"
11.14. Soviet-Japanese conflicts near Lake Khasan and the Khalkhin-Gol River
Section III FORMATION OF SYSTEMS OF INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS IN THE MIDDLE. MIDDLE EAST AND LATIN AMERICA
Chapter 12
INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS IN THE MIDDLE EAST
12.1. Middle East during the First World War. The problem of creating an independent Arab state
12.2. Egyptian Declaration of Independence
12.3. Iraqi Declaration of Independence
12.4. Mandatory administration of Transjordan
12.5. The Palestinian problem in international relations
12.6. French policy in the mandated territories and in the Arab colonies
12.7. Education in Saudi Arabia
12.8. Soviet Union and Arab countries
12.9. The emergence of the "oil factor" in the Middle East politics
12.10. Middle East on the eve of the war. Politics of Fascist States
Chapter 13
INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS IN THE MIDDLE EAST
13.1. Middle East and World War I. "Sykes-Picot Agreement"
13.2. Conceptual foundations of Soviet policy in the countries of the East
13.3. Sovietization of the Khiva Khanate and the Emirate of Bukhara
13.4. Foreign policy of Afghanistan. Soviet-Afghan relations
13.5. Iranian foreign policy. Soviet-Iranian relations
13.6. Turkey's foreign policy after the Lausanne Conference. Soviet-Turkish relations
13.7. Saadabad Pact
Chapter 14
INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS IN LATIN AMERICA
14.1. Formation of a regional system of international relations in Latin America at the beginning of the 20th century
14.2. Latin American countries and World War I
14.3. Latin America and the League of Nations
14.4. Pan American Process in the 1920s
14.5. The transition of the United States to the policy of "good neighbor"
14.6. Chak war
14.7. War in the "trapeze of Leticia"
14.8. German expansion and the rise of the fascist threat in Latin America in the 1930s
14.9. Pan American Conferences in Buenos Aires and Lima. Latin America and the beginning of World War II
14.10. Soviet Union and states of Latin America
Section IV WORLD WAR SECOND
Chapter 15
INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS IN THE EARLY PERIOD OF THE SECOND WORLD WAR (September 1, 1939 - June 21, 1941)
15.1. German attack on Poland. Beginning of World War II. Positions of the USSR and the Western Powers
15.2. Military campaign of the USSR against Poland. Soviet-German Treaty of Friendship and Border
15.3. Conclusion by the Soviet Union of mutual assistance treaties with the Baltic states. Soviet-German cooperation
15.4. Soviet-Finnish War
15.5. "Strange War" in the West
15.6. Germany's transition to active operations in the West. Defeat of France
15.7. The incorporation of the states of the Baltic States, Bessarabia and Northern Bukovina into the USSR
15.8. "Battle for England". Change in US position
15.9. conclusion of the Tripartite Pact. Italian aggression in the Balkans
15.10. Cooling of the Soviet-German relations. Visit of V. M. Molotov to Berlin
15.11. Fight in the Balkans
15.12. The conclusion of the Soviet-Japanese treaty of neutrality
15.13. Formation of the Anglo-American Alliance. US Lend-Lease Act
15.14. Completion of Germany's preparations for an attack on the USSR. Stalin's foreign policy miscalculations
Chapter 16
INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS DURING THE GREAT PATRIOTIC WAR
16.1. The birth of the anti-Hitler coalition
16.2. Atlantic charter
16.3. Establishment of inter-allied cooperation
16.4. The entry of Soviet and British troops into Iran
16.5. Moscow conference on military supplies
16.6. Extending Lend-Lease to the Soviet Union
16.7. Blitzkrieg failed. US entry into World War II
16.8. The question of opening a second front in 1941
16.9. A. Eden's visit to Moscow
16.10. Declaration of the United Nations
16.11.1 Washington Conference
16.12. Soviet-British Union Treaty (May 26, 1942) and Soviet-American Agreement (June 11, 1942)
16.13. Negotiations on a second front in 1942
16.14. International consequences of the Battle of Stalingrad. The beginning of a radical turning point in the war
16.15. The landing of Anglo-American troops in North Africa. Conference in Casablanca
16.16. Battle of Kursk Completion of a radical turning point in the war
16.17. Capitulation of Italy
16.18. Moscow Conference of Foreign Ministers of the USSR, USA and Great Britain
16.19. Tehran Conference
16.20. Opening of the second front. Withdrawal from the German Allied War
16.21. W. Churchill's visit to Moscow (October 1944)
16.22. USSR and the states of Eastern Europe. Polish question
16.23. Treaty of alliance between the USSR and France
16.24. Yalta conference
16.25. Germany's unconditional surrender. End of the war in Europe
16.26. Preparing for a New Big Three Conference
16.27. Potsdam conference
16.28. The entry of the USSR into the war with Japan. Japan's unconditional surrender
16.29. Results of World War II
Conclusion
Chronological table.

The history of international relations is inscribed in a broad historical context, the influence of various factors of social development on it - ideological, economic, internal political, etc. is shown. The historical approach to the presentation of the evolution of international relations is supplemented by elements of political analysis.

Volume 1. From the Peace of Westphalia to the end of the First World War
The textbook covers the main events and problems of the history of international relations from the formation of the Westphalian system to the end of the First World War. The book characterizes the main trends, principles and customs of international relations at this time, the role and significance of international congresses, conferences and treaties. The history of international relations is inscribed in a broad historical context, the influence of various factors of social development on it - ideological, economic, internal political, etc. is shown. The historical approach to the presentation of the evolution of international relations is supplemented by elements of political analysis. The periodization of the history of international relations is based on the formation, evolution and change of various systems and subsystems of international relations - European and peripheral. Their common features inherent in the international order in general, as well as local and historical specificity, are clarified. Educational texts are illustrated with materials from historical sources and historiography.

Volume 2. Interwar period and World War II
The textbook is devoted to the history of international relations and the foreign policy of the Soviet state in the period between the two world wars and during the Second World War. The international political process in the interwar twenty years (1919-1939) is considered as the history of the formation, evolution and subsequent collapse of the Versailles-Washington system - the first global international order created by the Entente powers after the First World War. Separate sections of the book from the standpoint of a systematic approach cover the history of international relations in Europe, the Asia-Pacific region, as well as in the Middle East and Latin America. The activities of the League of Nations and the main international conferences of the interwar years - Paris, Genoa, Lausanne, Locarno, Munich - are analyzed in detail. The section on World War II focuses on the Nazi aggression in Europe and Soviet-German relations in September 1939-June 1941, the formation and strengthening of the anti-Hitler coalition in 1941-1943, as well as the decisions taken by the Soviet Union, US and UK at conferences in Tehran, Yalta and Potsdam.

Volume 3. Yalta-Podsdam system
The textbook covers the main events and problems of the history of international relations of the period after the end of the Second World War and before the collapse of the bipolar system of the world order. The book characterizes the specifics of international relations in the bipolar world, analyzes in detail the main trends in the development of world political processes in the 1940s-1980s. Much attention is paid to the consideration of the military-political aspects of global and regional security, including the problems of strategic stability. An important place in the textbook is occupied by identifying the characteristic features of the functioning of the global system of international relations and the existing regional subsystems, the role of leading factors in shaping the main trends in the development of international relations.